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新东方黄皮书NO题阅读经典翻译

发布时间：2022-11-10 19:34:07   来源：文档文库   
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XDF P1（NO4-3-1-1）

Great comic art is never other wordly, it does not seek to mystify us, and it does not deny ambiguity by branding as evil whatever differs from good. Great comic artists assume that truth may bear all lights, and thus they seek to accentuate contradictions in social action, not gloss over (gloss over: v.掩盖 or transcend them by appeals to extrasocial symbols of divine ends, cosmic purpose, or laws of nature. The moment of transcendence in great comic art is a social moment, born out of the conviction that we are human, even though we try to be gods. The comic community to which artists address themselves is a community of reasoning, loving, joyful, compassionate beings, who are willing to assume the human risks of acting rationally. Without invoking gods or demons, great comic art arouses courage in reason, courage which grows out of trust in what human beings can do as humans.

伟大的喜剧艺术从不以彼岸世界为其目标，它所追求的并不是要予人以神秘玄惑感，它并不会通过将任何与善不一样的事物烙上罪恶的印记而否认那些模棱两可的情形。伟大的喜剧艺术家们认为，真理可呈现出各种不同的表现形态，故而他们力图强调社会行为中的对立矛盾，而不是通过诉诸于那些代表着神圣目标、字宙目的、或自然法则的超社会象片符号去掩饰或超越它们。伟大的喜剧艺术中的超越瞬间乃是一个社会性瞬间，源自这样一个坚定信念，即我们终是凡夫俗子，尽管我们竭力想成为神灵。艺术家们所致力表现的那个不乏喜剧色彩的社会，是一个由那些具有理性思维能力、充满爱心、快乐、和富于怜悯之心的人类构成的社会，他们甘愿承担人类理性行动的风险。伟大的喜剧艺术根本不祈求神灵或魔鬼，相反，它激发起我们对于理性的无畏勇气，这种勇气缘自对人类作为人所能做到的一切的信心。

XDF P2（NO4-1-1-2）

The evolution of sex ratios has produced, in most plants and animals with separate sexes, approximately equal numbers of males and females. Why should this be so Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to population. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings between individuals of the opposite sex. This is essentially a “group selection argument. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930. This “genetic” argument starts from the assumption that genes can influence the relative numbers of male and female offspring produced by an individual carrying the genes. That sex ratio will be favored which maximizes the number of descendants an individual will have and hence the number of gene copies transmitted. Suppose that the population consisted mostly of females: then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters. If, however, the population consisted of equal numbers of males and females, sons and daughters would be equally valuable. Thus a one-to-one sex ratio is the only stable ratio; it is an “evolutionarily stable strategy.” Although Fisher wrote before the mathematical theory of games had been developed, his theory incorporates the essential feature of a game—that the best strategy to adopt depends on what others are doing.
Since Fisher’s time, it has been realized that genes can sometimes influence the chromosome or gamete in which they find themselves so that the gamete will be more likely to participate in fertilization. If such a gene occurs on a sex-determining (X or Y chromosome, then highly aberrant sex ratios can occur. But more immediately relevant to game theory are the sex ratios in certain parasitic wasp species that have a large excess of females. In these species, fertilized eggs develop into females and unfertilized eggs into males. A female stores sperm and can determine the sex of each egg she lays by fertilizing it or leaving it unfertilized. By Fisher’s argument, it should still pay a female to produce equal numbers of sons and daughters. Hamilton, noting that the eggs develop within their host—the larva of another insect—and that the newly emerged adult wasps mate immediately and disperse, offered a remarkably cogent analysis. Since only one female usually lays eggs in a given larva, it would pay her to produce one male only, because this one male could fertilize all his sisters on emergence. Like Fisher, Hamilton looked for an evolutionarily stable strategy, but he went a step further in
recognizing that he was looking for a strategy.

性别比例（sex ratio）的演化在绝大部分性别各异的动植物身上，产生了数量大致相等的雌性与雄性物体。情况何以如此科学家已提出两种主要的答案。一种答案是依据对种群（population）的有利条件来表述的。据称，性别比例之所以会演化，就是为了能在最大程度上增加相反性别的生物个体之间交配的数量。本质上而言，此乃一种“群体选择”（group selection）的论点。另一种——且在我看来不失为一种正确的——答案，是由菲希尔（Fisher）于1930年率先提出的。这一“基因遗传”（genetic）的论点从这样一个假设出发，即基因会影响到由携带着这些基因的那个个体繁殖的雄性与雌性后代的相对数量。生物体所会择取的是那样一种性别比例，那种性别比例能在最大程度上增加一个个体所能拥有的后代数量，并因此能在最大程度上增加所传递到后代身上去的基因复制品的数量。假如某一种群绝大部分由雌性生物体构成：那么，繁殖雄性后代的个体仅会拥有更多的grandchildren。相反，假如该种群主要由雄性生物体构成，那么，繁殖雌性后代将不无益处。然则，假如该种群由同等数量的雄性和雌性生物体组成，则雄性后代和雌性后代将是价值相等的。因此，一比一的性别比例是唯一一种稳定不变的比例；它是一种“生物进化上的稳定策略”（evolutionarily stablestrategy）。虽然菲希尔早在数学上的博弈理论（game theory）建立起来之前就进行了其著述，但他的理论已襄括了游戏的本质特征——即所能采用的最佳策略取决于他们在做什么。
自菲希尔的时代以来，科学家们已意识到，基因有时能影响到它们所存在于其中的染色体（chromosome）或配子（gamete），因此，配子将更有可能参与到授精过程（fertilization）中来。如果这样的一个基因发生在一个能决定性别（sex-determiningX或Y）的染色体上，则极度反常的性别比例便告出现。但是，与博弈理论更为直接相关的是某些寄生性黄蜂种类的性别比例，雌性黄蜂占有绝对的过量。在这些种类的黄蜂身上，受精卵发展成为雌性黄蜂，未受精卵发展成为雄性黄蜂。雌性黄蜂能储存精子，并对她所产的每一个卵，通过使其受精或不让其受精，从而决定其性别。按照菲希尔的论点，对于雌性黄蜂来说，繁殖同等数量的雄性后代和雌性后代仍不乏益处。汉密尔顿（Hamilton）注意到，蜂卵是在其寄主——另一只昆虫的幼虫——体内成熟发展的，并且刚刚自卵中育出的成年黄蜂随即进行交配，然后积各奔东西，提供了一种极为严谨的分析。既然一般而言只有一只雌性黄蜂在一特定的幼虫体内产卵，对她来说，只需要繁殖一只雄性黄蜂便获益匪浅，因为这一只雄性黄蜂可以将其同胞的雌性黄蜂在自卵中育出之际皆予授精。如同菲希尔一样，汉密尔顿也意欲寻觅一种在生物进化上的稳定策略，但他更深入了一步，因为他认识到他的研究正是为了去寻找一种生物体的进化策略。

XDF P5（NO4-1-1-1）

By the time the American colonists took up arms against Great Britain in order to secure their independence, the institution of Black slavery was deeply entrenched. But the contradiction inherent in this situation was, for many, a source of constant embarrassment. “It always appeared a most iniquitous scheme to me,” Abigail Adams wrote her husband in 1774, “to fight ourselves for what we are daily robbing and plundering from those who have as good a right to freedom as we have.”
Many Americans besides Abigail Adams were struck by the inconsistency of their stand during the War of Independence, and they were not averse to making moves to emancipate the slaves. Quakers and other religious groups organized antislavery societies, while numerous individuals manumitted their slaves. In fact, within several years of the end of the War of Independence, most of the Eastern states had made provisions for the gradual emancipation of slaves.

当美洲殖民地民众拿起武器，抗击大英帝国，以获得其独立时，黑人奴隶制度早已根深蒂固。然则，对许多人而言，这一情形中所固有的矛盾始终构成了一种窘迫难堪之源。阿比盖尔"亚当斯（Abigail Adams）在1774年致她丈夫的信函中写道：“在我看来，有一件事情总仿佛是一种最为邪恶不公的阴谋。这就是，我们所为之奋斗的，恰好就是我们每日从他人身上掠夺和抢劫的东西，而这些人却同我们一样，对自由享有同等充分的权利。”
除阿比盖尔"亚当斯之外，许多美洲殖民者也深深地意识到了他们在独立战争期间所持立场的矛盾，而他们变欣然采取步骤来解放奴隶。贵格会教徒们（Quakers）以及其它宗教团体组织起反奴隶制社团；
与此同时，许多个人也着手将其奴隶予以释放。事实上，在独立战争宣告结束之后的几年时间内，绝大部分东部诸州早已制定法律条文以逐步解放黑奴。

XDF P6（NO4-3-1-2）

It has long been known that the rate of oxidative metabolism (the process that uses oxygen to convert food into energy in any animal has a profound effect on its living patterns. The high metabolic rate of small animals, for example, gives them sustained power and activity per unit of weight, but at the cost of requiring constant consumption of food and water. Very large animals, with their relatively low metabolic rates, can survive well on a sporadic food supply, but can generate little metabolic energy per gram of body weight. If only oxidative metabolic rate is considered, therefore, one might assume that smaller, more active, animals could prey on larger ones, at least if they attacked in groups. Perhaps they could if it were not for anaerobic glycolysis, the great equalizer.
Anaerobic glycolysis is a process in which energy is produced, without oxygen, through the breakdown of muscle glycogen into lactic acid and adenosine triphosphate (ATP, the energy provider. The amount of energy that can be produced anaerobically is a function of the amount of glycogen present—in all vertebrates about percent of their muscles’ wet weight. Thus the anaerobic energy reserves of a vertebrate are proportional to the size of the animal. If, for example, some predators had attacked a 100-ton dinosaur, normally torpid, the dinosaur would have been able to generate almost instantaneously, via anaerobic glycolysis, the energy of 3,000 humans at maximum oxidative metabolic energy production. This explains how many large species have managed to compete with their more active neighbors: the compensation for a low oxidative metabolic rate is glycolysis.
There are limitations, however, to this compensation. The glycogen reserves of any animal are good, at most, for only about two minutes at maximum effort, after which only the normal oxidative metabolic source of energy remains. With the conclusion of a burst of activity, the lactic acid level is high in the body fluids, leaving the large animal vulnerable to attack until the acid is reconverted, via oxidative metabolism, by the liver into glucose, which is then sent (in part back to the muscles for glycogen resynthesis. During this process the enormous energy debt that the animal has run up through anaerobic glycolysis must be repaid, a debt that is proportionally much greater for the larger vertebrates than for the smaller ones. Whereas the tiny shrew can replace in minutes the glycogen used for maximum effort, for example, the gigantic dinosaur would have required more than three weeks. It might seem that this interminably long recovery time in a large vertebrate would prove a grave disadvantage for survival. Fortunately, muscle glycogen is used only when needed and even then only in whatever quantity is necessary. Only in times of panic or during mortal combat would the entire reserves be consumed.

科学家长期以来已知，氧化新陈代射（oxidative metabolism，亦即使用氧气将食物转化为能量的过程）的速度，在任何动物身上，会对其生存方式产生重大的影响。例如，小动物较高的新陈代谢率，以其体重的每单位计算均能赋予动物以持续不断的能量和活动能力，但其代价是，要求它们不间断地消耗水和食物。而大动物，以其相对低的新陈代谢率，仅凭着不规则的食物供应即可安然无恙，但以体重的每一克来计算，几乎不能产生任何新陈代谢能量。倘若仅仅考虑氧化新陈代谢速度的话，人们或许会假设，那些较小的、较为活跃的动物可以捕食较大的动物，至少是如果它们成群结队发起攻击的话。或许它们能做到这一点，假若不是因为无氧糖酵解（anaerobic glycolysis）这一举足轻重的均衡因素的话。
无氧糖酵解指的是这样一个能量产生的过程：在没有氧气的情况下，通过将肌肉糖原（muscle glycogen）分解成为乳酸（lactic acid）和三磷酸腺苷（adenosinetriphosphate，简称ATP），一种提供能量的物质。以无氧方式（anaerobically）产生的能量的数量，是所存在的糖原数量的一个函数——在所有脊椎动物（vertebrate）身上，大约是其肌肉湿重的%。因此，一头脊椎动物的无氧能量储备是与该动物的尺寸大小成正比的。例如，如果某些食肉动物向一头100吨重的恐龙——一般表现得迟缓呆钝——发起攻击的话，这头恐龙极有可能几乎在瞬间内，通过无氧糖酵解，产生出相当于3000个人在最大程度上氧化新陈代谢能量产生过程中所产生的能量。这足以解释许多庞大的动物种类如何得以成功地与它们那些更为活跃的
“邻居”相竞争抗衡的：对于较低的氧化新陈代谢率，动物的补偿机制就是糖酵解
然而，这种补偿机制也不乏缺陷。任何动物的糖原储备在全力以赴的搏斗中最多只能维持两分钟的有效时间，在此之后，仅剩下通常的氧化新陈代谢能量来源。随着一阵剧烈活动的终结，体液（body fluid）中的乳酸含量极高，致使大动物陷入一种易受攻击的状态，直到乳酸通过氧化新陈代谢过程，由肝脏重新转化成葡萄糖（glucose），这些葡萄糖随后——部分地——被传送回肌肉进行糖原的再合成（glycogenresynthesis）。在此过程中，动物通过无氧糖酵解迅速积累起来的巨大的能量缺失（energy debt）必须予以弥补，从比例上看，这种能量的缺失对于较大的脊椎动物要远甚于较小的脊椎动物。例如，虽则体小的仅在几分钟之内就能补充殊死搏斗中所消耗的糖原，而庞然大物恐龙却需要三个多星期的时间。这似乎会让人觉得，大脊椎动物身上这种没完没了的漫长复原期将对其生存构成一严重不利的影响。值得庆幸的是，肌肉糖原只是在必需的时候才会被使用，而即使在这些时候也只是按必要的数量来使用。唯有在惊慌失措之际，或在生死攸关的撕杀中，全部的糖原储备才会被彻底耗竭。

XDF P10（NO5-1-1-2）

By 1950, the results of attempts to relate brain processes to mental experience appeared rather discouraging. Such variations in size, shape, chemistry, conduction speed, excitation threshold, and the like as had been demonstrated in nerve cells remained negligible in significance for any possible correlation with the manifold dimensions of mental experience.
Near the turn of the century, it had been suggested by Hering that different modes of sensation, such as pain, taste, and color, might be correlated with the discharge of specific kinds of nervous energy. However, subsequently developed methods of recording and analyzing nerve potentials failed to reveal any such qualitative diversity. It was possible to demonstrate by other methods refined structural differences among neuron types; however, proof was lacking that the quality of the impulse or its condition was influenced by these differences, which seemed instead to influence the developmental patterning of the neural circuits. Although qualitative variance among nerve energies was never rigidly disproved, the doctrine was generally abandoned in favor of the opposing view, namely, that nerve impulses are essentially homogeneous in quality and are transmitted as “common currency” throughout the nervous system. According to this theory, it is not the quality of the sensory nerve impulses that determines the diverse conscious sensations they produce, but rather the different areas of the brain into which they discharge, and there is some evidence for this view. In one experiment, when an electric stimulus was applied to a given sensory field of the cerebral cortex of a conscious human subject, it produced a sensation of the appropriate modality for that particular locus, that is, a visual sensation from the visual cortex, an auditory sensation from the auditory cortex, and so on. Other experiments revealed slight variations in the size, number, arrangement, and interconnection of the nerve cells, but as far as psychoneural correlations were concerned, the obvious similarities of these sensory fields to each other seemed much more remarkable than any of the minute differences.
However, cortical locus, in itself, turned out to have little explanatory value. Studies showed that sensations as diverse as those of red, black, green, and white, or touch, cold, warmth, movement, pain, posture, and pressure apparently may arise through activation of the same cortical areas. What seemed to remain was some kind of differential patterning effects in the brain excitation: it is the difference in the central distribution of impulses that counts. In short, brain theory suggested a correlation between mental experience and the activity of relatively homogeneous nerve-cell units conducting essentially homogeneous impulses through homogeneous cerebral tissue. To match the multiple dimensions of mental experience psychologists could only point to a limitless variation in the spatiotemporal patterning of nerve impulses.

至1950年，试图将大脑过程（brain process）和心理体验（mental exprience）联系起来的研究努力，其结果令人甚是灰心丧气。正如由科学家在神经细胞中所证明的那样，尺寸、形状、化学过程、传输速度、兴奋阈值、以及诸如此类的种种差异，对于任何有可能的与心理体验形形色色诸多方面的内容加以联系起来的做法，在意义上仍是微不足道。

在十九世纪与二十世纪濒临交替转折之际，率先由赫林（Hering）提出，不同的感觉方式（mode of sensation），诸如痛若、味觉、以及色彩等，或许可与特异种类的神经能量（nervous energy）的释放联系起来。然而，随后所发展起来的用于记录和分析神经潜能（nerve potential）的方法没能揭示任何这类性质的差异。人们倒是可以通过其它方法来证明在诸神经元（neuron）种类之间，存在着细微的结构差异；但是，人们缺乏证据以证明神经冲动的性质或其传输受这些结构差异所影响。恰恰相反，这些结构差异所影响的似乎是神经网络（neural circuit）的发展性组合排列（developmentalpatterning）。虽然神经能量之间存在性质差异的观点从没有遭到严格的驳斥，但该学说普遍被抛弃，人们转而采纳了与之相对立的一个观点，即神经冲击从根本上来说在性质上是毫无二致的，并仿佛象“通用货币”（common currency）一样在神经系统中传输。按此理论，并非是感觉的神经冲动的性质在决定着它们所产生的不尽相同的有意识感觉，而是神经冲动所释放入其中的不同的大脑区域在起着决定性作用。对于这一观点，不乏某些证据。在某个实验中，当电流刺激联通到一个有意识的人类测试者大脑脑皮层（cerebral cortex）某一特定感觉区域时，它便产生了一种与那个特定区位相应的感觉形式（modality），亦即是说，自视觉脑皮层产生一视觉的感觉，自听觉脑皮层产生一听觉的感觉，以此类推。其它实验揭示出神经细胞在尺寸、数量、排列、以及相五联系这些方面的微弱差异，但就心理—神经的关系而言，这些感觉区域彼此间的明显共同点要比任何彼此间细小的差异似乎予人印象深刻得多。
然则，大脑区位理论就其本身而言亦最终证明几乎不具有任何解释价值。研究表明，像红色、黑色、绿色和白色，或者触觉、寒冷、温暖、运动、痛苦、姿势以及压力等如此大相径庭的感觉，显然有可能来自对相同脑皮层区域的刺激。所剩下的似乎是某种性质的大脑兴奋的不同组合排列效果：正是神经冲动中心分布这方面的差异才起着举足轻重的作用。简而言之，大脑理论暗示出在心理体验与相对同质的神经—细胞单位的活动之间存在着某种联系，而这些相对同质的神经—细胞单位则又通过同质的大脑组织传输着根本上同质的冲动。为了将心理体验的多重侧面对应起来，心理学家只能将注意力投向神经冲动在时空（spatiotemporal）组合排列方面无穷尽的差异。

XDF P12（NO5-1-1-1）

A Marxist sociologist has argued that racism stems from the class struggle that is unique to the capitalist system—that racial prejudice is generated by capitalists as a means of controlling workers. His thesis works relatively well when applied to discrimination against Blacks in the United States, but his definition of racial prejudice as “racially-based negative prejudgments against a group generally accepted as a race in any given region of ethnic competition,” can be interpreted as also including hostility toward such ethnic groups as the Chinese in California and the Jews in medieval Europe. However, since prejudice against these latter peoples was not inspired by capitalists, he has to reason that such antagonisms were not really based on race. He disposes thusly (albeit unconvincingly of (to get rid of “how to dispose of toxic waste” both the intolerance faced by Jews before the rise of capitalism and the early twentieth-century discrimination against Oriental people in California, which, inconveniently, was instigated by workers.

某位马克思主义社会学家论辩道，种族主义（racism）缘起于资本主义体制所特有的阶级斗争——亦即是说，种族偏见是由资本家造成的，作为控制工人的一种手段。该社会学家的命题当被应用于针对美国黑人的歧视时，相对而言尚能适用，但他对种族偏见所下的定义——即“以种族为基础的、针对某个群体的消级的先入之见，而该群体在任何特定的种族竞争地区则被普遍认作一种族”——可被理解成同样也襄括了针对加利福尼亚州的中国人以及中世纪的犹太人这样一些种族群体的敌视态度。然则，既然针对这后两个民族的偏见并非是由资本家所引发的，他便必须作这样的逻辑推理，即这些敌对情绪并非真正是以种族为基础的。如此看来，他忽略了（尽管无法令人置信地）资本主义兴起之前犹太人所面对的那种不宽容，以及二十世纪早期针对加利福尼亚州的东方人的歧视，而后者则是——不方便地——还是由工人所煽动引发的。


XDF P17（NO4-1-2-2）
Upwards of a billion stars in our galaxy have burnt up their internal energy sources, and so can no longer produce the heat a star needs to oppose the inward force of gravity. These stars, of more than a few solar masses, evolve, in general, much more rapidly than does a star like the Sun. Moreover, it is just these more massive stars whose collapse does not halt at intermediate stages (that is, as white dwarfs or neutron stars. Instead, the collapse continues until a singularity (an infinitely dense concentration of matter is reached.
It would be wonderful to observe a singularity and obtain direct evidence of the undoubtedly bizarre phenomena that occur near one. Unfortunately in most cases a distant observer cannot see the singularity; outgoing light rays are dragged back by gravity so forcefully that even if they could start out within a few kilometers of the singularity, they would end up in the singularity itself.

在我们的星系内，超过1亿多颗的星球已经耗竭了其内部的能源，因此产生不了一颗星球所必需的热量用于抗衡重力的内向力作用（the inward force of gravity）。这些星球具有好几个太阳的质量，一般来说，其演变的速度要快于象太阳这样一颗星星。此外，正是这些质量更为庞大的星星，其坍缩过程（collapse）不会停滞在中间阶段（亦即作为白矮星或中子星，white dwarfs or neutron stars）。相反，坍缩过程会持续进行下去，直至达到奇点（singularity，即物质的一种致密状态）。
倘若能观察到一颗奇点，并获取直接的证据以反映出发生在某一奇点附近那些无疑是离奇怪异的现象，那将令人叹止。不幸得是，在绝大多数情形中，遥远的观察者是无法观察到奇点的；外射的光线会如此强有力地被重力作用反拉回去，以致于即使这些光线能由奇点往外发射几公里之遥，它们也只能以奇点本身而告终。

XDF P19（NO4-3-2-1）

The dark regions in the starry night sky are not pockets in the universe that are devoid of stars as had long been thought. Rather, they are dark because of interstellar dust that hides the stars behind it. Although its visual effect is so pronounced, dust is only a minor constituent of the material, extremely low in density, that lies between the stars. Dust accounts for about one percent of the total mass of interstellar matter. The rest is hydrogen and helium gas, with small amounts of other elements. The interstellar material, rather like terrestrial clouds, comes in all shapes and sizes. The average density of interstellar material in the vicinity of our Sun is 1,000 to 10,000 times less than the best terrestrial laboratory vacuum. It is only because of the enormous interstellar distances that so little material per unit of volume becomes so significant. Optical astronomy is most directly affected, for although interstellar gas is perfectly transparent, the dust is not.

在繁星满天的夜空，那些暗黑无光的区域并不是像人们长期以来所想象的那样，是宇宙中不存在星际的孤立小块区域。事实上，它们之所以暗黑无光，是因为星际尘埃（interstellar dust）将它们遮掩在尘埃之后。尽管尘埃的视觉效果是如此彰著，但它仅构成了存在于星星之间密度极低的物质的一个微不足道的组成部分。尘埃在星际物质的总质量中只占约百分之一的比例。余下部分由氢气（hydrogen）和氦气（helium）构成，附带少量的其它元素。星际物质极类似于地球的云，呈现出多种多样的形状和尺寸大小。在我们太阳的附近区域，星际物质的平均密度要低于地球上最佳实验室真空1,000至10,1000倍。只是因为星际距离是如此之遥远，以致于每单位体积中如此少的一点点物质才会如此影响重大。光学天文学（optical astronomy）受到的影响最为直接，因为虽然星际气体是全然透明的，但尘埃却并非如此。

XDF P20（NO4-1-2-1）

Thomas Hardy’s impulses as a writer, all of which he indulged in his novels, were numerous and divergent, and they did not always work together in harmony. Hardy was to some degree interested in exploring his characters’ psychologies, though impelled less by curiosity than by sympathy. Occasionally he felt the impulse to
comedy (in all its detached coldness as well as the impulse to farce, but he was more often inclined to see tragedy and record it. He was also inclined to literary realism in the several senses of that phrase. He wanted to describe ordinary human beings; he wanted to speculate on their dilemmas rationally (and, unfortunately, even schematically; and he wanted to record precisely the material universe. Finally, he wanted to be more than a realist. He wanted to transcend what he considered to be the banality of solely recording things exactly and to express as well his awareness of the occult and the strange.
In his novels these various impulses were sacrificed to each other inevitably and often. Inevitably, because Hardy did not care in the way that novelists such as Flaubert or James cared, and therefore took paths of least resistance. Thus, one impulse often surrendered to a fresher one and, unfortunately, instead of exacting a compromise, simply disappeared. A desire to throw over reality a light that never was might give way abruptly to the desire on the part of (on the part of: with regard to the one specified what we might consider a novelist-scientist to record exactly and concretely the structure and texture of a flower. In this instance, the new impulse was at least an energetic one, and thus its indulgence did not result in a relaxed style. But on other occasions Hardy abandoned a perilous, risky, and highly energizing impulse in favor of what was for him the fatally relaxing impulse to classify and schematize abstractly. When a relaxing impulse was indulged, the style—that sure index of an author’s literary worth—was certain to become verbose. Hardy’s weakness derived from his apparent inability to control the comings and goings of these divergent impulses and from his unwillingness to cultivate and sustain the energetic and risky ones. He submitted to first one and then another, and the spirit blew where it listed; hence the unevenness of any one of his novels. His most controlled novel, Under the Greenwood Tree, prominently exhibits two different but reconcilable impulses—a desire to be a realist-historian and a desire to be a psychologist of love—but the slight interlockings of plot are not enough to bind the two completely together. Thus even this book splits into two distinct parts.

作为一个作家，托马斯"哈代（Thomas Hardy）的创作冲动——在其小说中他全都沉缅于其中——显得多种多样，不尽相同，而这些创作冲动并未和谐协调地发挥作用。在某些程度上，哈代感兴趣的是探索其笔下人物的诸般心理状态（psychology），尽管与其说是出于好奇心的驱使，还不如说是受怜悯之心的支配。偶然地，他会感觉到喜剧（comedy）的创作冲动（以其全部的超然冷静）以及闹剧（farce）的创作冲动，但更经常地，他倾向于去观察人世间的悲剧（tragedy）并将其记录下来。他亦倾向于文学现实主义（literary realism）——是从该名词短语的若干层含意来理解的。他意欲描绘普通人；他意欲理性地对其困境作出思辩（且不幸得很，甚至按先验图式的手法来进行）；他意欲精确无误地记录物质宇宙。最后，他并不希冀在成为一个纯粹的现实主义作家。他意欲超越他所认为的那种一味追求毫厘不爽地记录事物的平庸做法，并表达他对超自然之物（the occult）和奇异之物（the strange）的意识。
在其小说中，这些不尽相同的创作冲动不可避免地且经常性地彼此间互为牺牲。之所以不可避免，这是因为哈代没能以福楼拜（Flaubert）和詹姆斯（James）一类小说家审慎行事的那种方式来审慎行事，因此他选择了那些最少有抵制的创作道路。这样，一种创作冲动经常会屈从于一种较新的创作冲动，而令人遗憾的是，原先的那个创作冲动非但无法与新出现的那个创作冲动达成一种妥善协调，反而会消失得全无踪影。一种从不曾得以实现的揭示现实的欲望，很有可能会突如其来地让位于另一种欲望，这就是一个我们可不妨将其视作小说家兼科学家的那种欲望，去精确无误地和具体地记录一朵花的结构和构造特征。在此情形中，新的创作冲动至少不失为一充满生机活力的创作冲动，故作家沉缅于其中并不会造成一种松散的作品风格。但在其它场合，哈代会抛弃一种充满风险的、冒险的、和极能赋予作品以生机活力的创造冲动，转而偏爱那种对他来说甚为致命的、松散的创作冲动，去抽明地进行分类和按先验图式表述。当一种松散的创作冲动被沉缅于其中时，作品的风格——作家文学价值的那种可靠稳妥的标志——注定会变得冗长罗嗦。哈代的缺陷一方面缘起于他的某种明显的无能，无法控制好那结不尽相同的创作冲动的穿梭往来；另一方面缘起于他不愿意去培养和维持那些富于生机活力和风险性强的创作冲动。他委身于第一种创作冲动，接下来又委身于另一种创作冲动，而创作灵感则随心所欲地飘忽不定；因此，他的任何一部小说均显得参差不齐，高低不一。他最有控制的小说《绿荫下》（Under the Greenwood Tree）显著地展现出两种全然不同但仍可调和的创作冲动——要成为现实主义作家兼史学家的那种欲望以及要成为爱情心理学家的欲望——但小说情节过于微弱的互相衔接不足于将这两种创作冲动全然融为一体。因此，即使这部作品也分裂成为两个缺乏有机联系的部分。




XDF P23（NO5-1-2-2）

Extraordinary creative activity has been characterized as revolutionary, flying in the face of what is established and producing not what is acceptable but what will become accepted. According to this formulation, highly creative activity transcends the limits of an existing form and establishes a new principle of organization. However, the idea that extraordinary creativity transcends established limits is misleading when it is applied to the arts, even though it may be valid for the sciences. Differences between highly creative art and highly creative science arise in part from a difference in their goals. For the sciences, a new theory is the goal and end result of the creative act. Innovative science produces new propositions in terms of which diverse phenomena can be related to one another in more coherent ways. Such phenomena as a brilliant diamond or a nesting bird are relegated to the role of data, serving as the means for formulating or testing a new theory. The goal of highly creative art is very different: the phenomenon itself becomes the direct product of the creative act. Shakespeare’s Hamlet is not a tract about the behavior of indecisive princes or the uses of political power; nor is Picasso’s painting Guernica primarily a propositional statement about the Spanish Civil War or the evils of fascism. What highly creative artistic activity produces is not a new generalization that transcends established limits, but rather an aesthetic particular. Aesthetic particulars produced by the highly creative artist extend or exploit, in an innovative way, the limits of an existing form, rather than transcend that form.
This is not to deny that a highly creative artist sometimes establishes a new principle of organization in the history of an artistic field; the composer Monteverdi, who created music of the highest aesthetic value, comes to mind. More generally, however, whether or not a composition establishes a new principle in the history of music has little bearing on its aesthetic worth. Because they embody a new principle of organization, some musical works, such as the operas of the Florentine Camerata, are of signal historical importance, but few listeners or musicologists would include these among the great works of music. On the other hand, Mozart’s The Marriage of Figaro is surely among the masterpieces of music even though its modest innovations are confined to extending existing means. It has been said of Beethoven that he toppled the rules and freed music from the stifling confines of convention. But a close study of his compositions reveals that Beethoven overturned no fundamental rules. Rather, he was an incomparable strategist who exploited limits—the rules, forms, and conventions that he inherited from predecessors such as Haydn and Mozart, Handel and Bach—in strikingly original ways.

卓越的创造性活动被人们一贯描述成是革命性的，公然抗拒既已确立的体制，所产生的并非是那种可予接受的事物，而是那种终将获得人们接受的事物。按此阐述，高度创造性的活动会超越既存形式的局限，并确立一种全新的组织原则。然则，卓越的创造性活动超越既已确立的局限，这一思想在应用于艺术时会产生误导作用，虽然它对于科学而言或许是有效的。高度创造性的艺术与高度创造性的科学之间的差异，部分程度上缘起于两者目标之不同。对科学而言，一种全新的理论即是创造性行为的目标和终极结果。富于创新的科学产生全新的命题（propsition），依据这些全新的命题，各种形形色色的现象便能以更为连贯的方式彼此联系起来。诸如一颗璀璨的金刚石或一只正在筑巢的小鸟这类现象，被降至充当数据之位置，权当阐述或检验全新的理论的手段。高度创造性的艺术，其目标迥然不同：现象本身即成为创造性行为的产物。莎士比亚（Shakespeare）的《哈姆莱特》（Hamlet）一剧并不是有关优柔寡断的王子之行为或政治权力之运用的一部宣传性小册子，而毕加索（Picasso）的《格尔尼卡》（Guernica）从根本上来说亦不是有关西班牙内战或法西斯罪恶的某种命题陈述。高度创造性的艺术活动所创造的，不是一种全新的、超越既已确立之局限的普遍性原则（generalization），而是一种美学上的独特之物。由高度创造性的艺术家所创造的美学上的独特事物，以一种富予创新的方式，拓宽或利用既存形式的局限，而不是超越那种形式本身。 这并不意欲否认，一个高度创造性的艺术家某些时候在某一艺术领域的历史上可建立某种全新的组织原则；在这方面，创作了具有最高美学价值的音乐的作曲家蒙特威尔地（Monteverdi）便浮现于我们的脑海。但是，更普遍而言，一部音乐作曲是否能在音乐史上建立起一种全新原则，与该作品美学价值几乎无甚联系。某些音乐作品，诸如佛罗伦萨的卡梅拉塔会社创作的歌剧，由于它们体现了一种全新的组织原则，因而具有显著的历史重要性，但鲜有听众或音乐研究专家愿意将这些作品襄括到音乐杰作之中。从另一方面来说，莫扎特（Mozart）的《费加罗的婚礼》（The Marriage of Figaro）无疑属于音乐的典范之作，虽然其
朴素的创新仅限于将既存的创作手法予以拓展而已。有关贝多芬（Beethoven），人们称他推翻了种种规则，将音乐从传统那令人窒息的蕃蓠中解放出来。然而，对他音乐作品一番细致的研究会揭示出贝多芬根本没有推翻任何规则。实质上，他是一个无以伦比的谋略家。善于以令人瞩目的独特方式利用各种局限——即他从诸如海顿（Haydn）和莫扎特、亨德尔（Handel）和巴赫（Bach）这些前辈那里继承而来的各种规则、形式和传统。

XDF P25（NO5-1-2-1）

The transfer of heat and water vapor from the ocean to the air above it depends on a disequilibrium at the interface of the water and the air. Within about a millimeter of the water, air temperature is close to that of the surface water, and the air is nearly saturated with water vapor. But the differences, however small, are crucial, and the disequilibrium is maintained by air near the surface mixing with air higher up, which is typically appreciably cooler and lower in water-vapor content. The air is mixed by means of turbulence that depends on the wind for its energy. As wind speed increases, so does turbulence, and thus the rate of heat and moisture transfer. Detailed understanding of this phenomenon awaits further study. An interacting—and complicating—phenomenon is wind-to-water transfer of momentum that occurs when waves are formed. When the wind makes waves, it transfers important amounts of energy—energy that is therefore not available to provide turbulence.

热量和水蒸气自海洋往着海洋上方的空中进行转移，有赖于在水和空气界面处的一种不平衡。在水面上不超出约一毫米的范围内，气温接近于表层水（surface water）的温度，而空气中的水蒸气亦趋于饱和。但是，这两方面的差异，无论微弱到什么地步，仍是至关重要的，而那种不平衡亦得以维持，这是由于贴近水面的空气与较高处的空气不断地混合，普遍而言，较高处的空气温度要低得多，水蒸气含量也低得多。两种空气的混合靠的是湍流（turbulence），则湍流又是依赖风为其提供能源。随着风速的加快，湍流的速度亦加快，因此热量和湿度的转移比率也加快。对此现象的详尽理解尚有待于进一步的研究。一种发生交互作用——并使问题趋于复杂化——的现象是在波浪形成之时所发生的由风至水的动量转移（wind-to-water transfer of momentum）。当风形成波浪时，它将相当一部分能量转移掉，因此，所转移掉的那部分能量就不再能用来提供湍流。

XDF P27（NO6-1-1-1）

A mysterious phenomenon is the ability of over-water migrants to travel on course. Birds, bees, and other species can keep track of time without any sensory cues from the outside world, and such “biological clocks” clearly contribute to their “compass sense.” For example, they can use the position of the Sun or stars, along with the time of day, to find north. But compass sense alone cannot explain how birds navigate the ocean: after a flock traveling east is blown far south by a storm, it will assume the proper northeasterly course to compensate. Perhaps, some scientists thought, migrants determine their geographic position on Earth by celestial navigation, almost as human navigators use stars and planets, but this would demand of the animals a fantastic map sense. Researchers now know that some species have a magnetic sense, which might allow migrants to determine their geographic location by detecting variations in the strength of the Earth’s magnetic field.

在水面上空迁移的动物能够沿着正确方向飞行，这实乃一种神秘莫测的现象。鸟类、蜜蜂、以及其它动物种类可以追踪时辰，而不必依赖于来自外界的任何感觉醒示物，这样的“生物钟”（biological clock）显然促进了其“方位感”（compass sense）。例如，它们可利用太阳或星辰的位置，连同白昼的时辰，来寻找到北方这一方位。但是，方位感本身不足以解释鸟类是如何在海洋上空导航的：当一群东飞的候鸟被暴风雨吹向偏南方之后，这群鸟会采取适度的东北方向以补偿误差。某些科学家认为，或许，迁移动物是通过天
体导航（celestial navigation）来确定其在地球上的地理位置，几乎如同人类航海家利用星辰和行星那样；但这将要求动物具有一种难于令人置信的地图感（mapsense）。科研人员现在获悉，某些动物种类具备一种磁感（magnetic sense），这可能允许动物通过测定地球磁场强度变化而确立其地理位置。

XDF P28（NO5-2-1-2）

In large part as a consequence of the feminist movement, historians have focused a great deal of attention in recent years on determining more accurately the status of women in various periods. Although much has been accomplished for the modern period, premodern cultures have proved more difficult: sources are restricted in number, fragmentary, difficult to interpret, and often contradictory. Thus it is not particularly surprising that some earlier scholarship concerning such cultures has so far gone unchallenged. An example is Johann Bachofen’s 1861 treatise on Amazons, women-ruled societies of questionable existence contemporary with ancient Greece.
Starting from the premise that mythology and legend preserve at least a nucleus of historical fact, Bachofen argued that women were dominant in many ancient societies. His work was based on a comprehensive survey of references in the ancient sources to Amazonian and other societies with matrilineal customs—societies in which descent and property rights are traced through the female line. Some support for his theory can be found in evidence such as that drawn from Herodotus, the Greek “historian” of the fifth century B. C., who speaks of an Amazonian society, the Sauromatae, where the women hunted and fought in wars. A woman in this society was not allowed to marry until she had killed a person in battle.
Nonetheless, this assumption that the first recorders of ancient myths have preserved facts is problematic. If one begins by examining why ancients refer to Amazons, it becomes clear that ancient Greek descriptions of such societies were meant not so much to represent observed historical fact—real Amazonian societies—but rather to offer “moral lessons” on the supposed outcome of women’s rule in their own society. The Amazons were often characterized, for example, as the equivalents of giants and centaurs, enemies to be slain by Greek heroes. Their customs were presented not as those of a respectable society, but as the very antitheses of ordinary Greek practices.
Thus, I would argue, the purpose of accounts of the Amazons for their male Greek recorders was didactic, to teach both male and female Greeks that all-female groups, formed by withdrawal from traditional society, are destructive and dangerous. Myths about the Amazons were used as arguments for the male-dominated status quo, in which groups composed exclusively of either sex were not permitted to segregate themselves permanently from society. Bachofen was thus misled in his reliance on myths for information about the status of women. The sources that will probably tell contemporary historians most about women in the ancient world are such social documents as gravestones, wills, and marriage contracts. Studies of such documents have already begun to show how mistaken we are when we try to derive our picture of the ancient world exclusively from literary sources, especially myths.

在很大程度上，由于女权主义运动（feminist movement）的缘故，史学家近年来汇聚了大量的注意力，来更为准确地确定妇女在各个历史时期的地位。虽然对现当代的研究成就斐然，但古代文化的研究要证明更为困难：资料来源数量有限，支离破碎，难于解释，且经常互相矛盾。因此，人们并不特别惊讶地发现，有关这些古代文化的早期学术研究迄今为止听凭其流传下来，而未遭到质疑。其中一个实例就是约翰"巴霍芬（Johann Bachofen）1861年论述亚马孙人（Amazons）的论文，而所谓亚马孙人，即那些由女性统治的社会，其难置可否的存在与古希腊时值同期。
从神话和传说至少保存了史实的核心这一前提出发，巴霍芬论辨道，女性在许多古代社会占据着统治地位。他的研究所依据的是对古代史料来源中的参考材料进行的综合考虑，而这些参考材料则涉及到亚马孙和其他带有母系（matrilineal）习俗的社会——在这些社会内，亲缘关系和财产所有权均经由女性这条线来追溯。他的理论的某些依据可从某一类证据中寻找到，如由希罗多德（Herodotus）那里获取的证据，而希罗多德，乃公元前五世纪的希腊“史学家”，也曾谈及某一亚马孙社会，即Sauromatae，在此社会内，女
性进行狩猎并在战争中作战。该社会中的女性必须首先在战斗中杀死一名敌人之后，方被允许成婚。
虽然如此，然则，古代神话的最早记述者得以将史实保存下来这一假设是站不住脚的。如果我们首先作一番审视，古人为何会提及亚马孙人，情况将会变得显而易见，即古希腊对这些社会所作的描述，与其说意欲再现亲眼目睹的历史事实——真正的亚马孙社会——还不如说是要针对女性在他们自己的社会中实行统治所可能产生的后果，提供“道德训导”（moral lesson）。例如，亚马孙人经常被描绘成巨人和人首马身怪物的同类，成为注定要遭古希腊英雄杀戮的敌人。她们的习俗被刻划成不是一个体面的社会应有的习俗，而是与合乎常规的古希腊惯例构成了绝然的对立。
因此，我要指出，对于记述神话的古希腊男性来说，有关亚马孙人的描述，其目的是说教性质的（didactic），要教诲古希腊的男性和女性这样一个道理，即那些脱离了传统社会而形成的纯女性群体是破坏性的和危险的。有关亚马孙人的神话是用作论据来为男人统治的现状（status quo）作辩护的，在这种现状下，纯粹地由任一性别构成的群体是不允许与社会永久性地隔绝开来的。如此说来，巴霍芬依赖神话来获取有关女性地位的史料，是失之偏颇的。有关古代世界的妇女，对当代史学家可能最具价值的史料是这样一类社会性文献，诸如墓碑、遗嘱、和婚约。对这类文献资料的研究早已开始证明，当我们试图仅仅从文学来源，尤其是神话，来获取我们对古代世界的理解，这是多么的失误啊。

XDF P32（NO5-1-2-2）

Visual recognition involves storing and retrieving memories. Neural activity, triggered by the eye, forms an image in the brain’s memory system that constitutes an internal representation of the viewed object. When an object is encountered again, it is matched with its internal representation and thereby recognized. Controversy surrounds the question of whether recognition is a parallel, one-step process or a serial, step-by-step one. Psychologists of the Gestalt school maintain that objects are recognized as wholes in a parallel procedure: the internal representation is matched with the retinal image in a single operation. Other psychologists have proposed that internal representation features are matched serially with an object’s features. Although some experiments show that, as an object becomes familiar, its internal representation becomes more holistic and the recognition process correspondingly more parallel, the weight of evidence seems to support the serial hypothesis, at least for objects that are not notably simple and familiar.

视觉辨认（visual recognition）涉及到记忆的存储（storing）以及重新提取（retrieving）。由眼睛触发的神经活动在大脑的记忆系统形成一形象，该形象对于被目睹之物构成一种内心再现图像。当某一特体再度被遇到时，它就与内心再现图象对应起来，从而得到被辨认出来。围绕着辨认究竟是一个平行的、一蹴而就的过程还是依照先后顺序的、按部就班的过程这一问题，众说纷纭，意见不一。格尔塔学派（GestaltSchool）的心理学家坚持认为，物体是作为整体在一平行的步骤中被辨认出来的：内心再现图像只通过一次性操作即完成与视网膜形象（retinal image）的对应。其它心理学家则提出，内心再现图像的特征是先后有序地与物体的特征对应起来的。虽然某些实验表明，随着一个物体变得熟悉起来，其内心再现图像亦更具整体感，辨认过程相应地更趋于平行，但证据的砝码似乎在支持序列假设（serial hypothesis），至少是对于那些不甚简单、不甚熟悉的物体来说。

XDF P33（NO6-1-1-2）

Roger Rosenblatt’s book Black Fiction, in attempting to apply literary rather than sociopolitical criteria to its subject, successfully alters the approach taken by most previous studies. As Rosenblatt notes, criticism of Black writing has often served as a pretext for expounding on Black history. Addison Gayle’s recent work, for example, judges the value of Black fiction by overtly political standards, rating each work according to the notions of Black identity which it propounds.
Although fiction assuredly springs from political circumstances, its authors react to those circumstances in
ways other than ideological, and talking about novels and stories primarily as instruments of ideology circumvents much of the fictional enterprise. Rosenblatt’s literary analysis discloses affinities and connections among works of Black fiction which solely political studies have overlooked or ignored.
Writing acceptable criticism of Black fiction, however, presupposes giving satisfactory answers to a number of questions. First of all, is there a sufficient reason, other than the racial identity of the authors, to group together works by Black authors Second, how does Black fiction make itself distinct from other modern fiction with which it is largely contemporaneous Rosenblatt shows that Black fiction constitutes a distinct body of writing that has an identifiable, coherent literary tradition. Looking at novels written by Blacks over the last eighty years, he discovers recurring concerns and designs independent of chronology. These structures are thematic, and they spring, not surprisingly, from the central fact that the Black characters in these novels exist in a predominantly White culture, whether they try to conform to that culture of rebel against it.
Black Fiction does leave some aesthetic questions open. Rosenblatt’s thematic analysis permits considerable objectivity; he even explicitly states that it is not his intention to judge the merit of the various works—yet his reluctance seems misplaced, especially since an attempt to appraise might have led to interesting results. For instance, some of the novels appear to be structurally diffuse. Is this a defect, or are the authors working out of, or trying to forge, a different kind of aesthetic In addition, the style of some Black novels, like Jean Toomer’s Cane, verges on expressionism or surrealism; does this technique provide a counterpoint (a complementing or contrasting item: OPPOSITE to the prevalent theme that portrays the fate against which Black heroes are pitted, a theme usually conveyed by more naturalistic modes of expression
In spite of such omissions, what Rosenblatt does include in his discussion makes for an astute and worthwhile study. Black Fiction surveys a wide variety of novels, bringing to our attention in the process some fascinating and little-known works like James Weldon Johnson’s Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man. Its argument is tightly constructed, and its forthright, lucid style exemplifies levelheaded and penetrating criticism.

罗杰"罗森布拉特（Roger Rosenblatt）的著作《黑人小说》（Black Fiction），通过试图应运文学的而非社会政治的标准来研究其题材，成功地改变了大多数此前的研究所采用的方法。正如罗森布拉特所指出的那样，对黑人文学作品进行的文学批评常常充当一种遁辞，用以阐述黑人历史。例如，艾迪生"盖尔（Addison Gayle）的近期著作就是依据公然的政治标准来判断黑人小说的价值，按照这部著作所提出的黑人本体个性诸观念来评价每部作品。
虽然小说无疑起源于政治情状，但其作者则是以非意识形态的方式对这些政治情状作出反应的，而将小说和故事主要地当作意识形态的工具来探讨，会在相当程度上阻碍小说事业。罗森布拉特的文学分析揭示出黑人小说相互之间的密切关系和联系，而这些密切关系和联系则被纯粹的政治研究所无视或忽略。
然则，要撰写出能让人接受的有关黑人小说的文学评论，其前提是要对诸多问题作出令人满意的回答。首先，除了作家们的种族身份之外，是否有充分的理由将黑人作家创作的作品归为一类其次，黑人小说如何使自身有别于那些在很大程度上同期创作的其它当代小说办森布拉特说明，黑人小说确构成了一个与众不同的作品群体，具有一种易于辨认的、连贯的文学传统。他审视了最近八十年中由黑人创作的小说，揭示出那些独立于年代的反复出现的小说侧重点和架构。这些结构与主题相关，它们并不令人吃惊地源于这样一个中心事实，即这些小说中的人物都生存在一个以白人为主导的文化环境中，无论他们试图去与这种文化趋于一致，抑或奋起叛逆。
《黑人小说》对某些美学问题确实没能予以回答。罗森布拉特的主题分析允许相当程度的客观性；他甚至还直言不讳地声称，他无意对各种作品孰优孰劣作出评判——然则，他的这种不情愿似显得不合时宜，尤其是因为果真作出一番评判努力的话早就会带来某些饶有兴趣的结果。例如，某些小说在结构上看口罗冗长。这究竟是一种缺陷呢，或者是否表明，这些作者是在按照一种与众不同的美学体系进行创作，抑或是在试图创立一种与众不同的美学体系此外，某些黑人小说的风格，如詹"图默（Jean Toomer）的《甘蔗》（Cane），濒临表现主义和超现实主义的手法；这种技巧是否针对某个普遍盛行的主题提供了一种对比而那个普通盛行的主题所描绘的则是黑人主人公所与之抗衡的命运，这一主题一般是通过那些更具自然主义色彩的表达方式传递出来的。
虽然存在这样的疏漏，但罗森布拉特在其探讨中确已攘括在内的内容足以构成一种精僻敏锐的和有真实价值的研究。《黑人小说》考察了极为广泛的一系列小说，在此过程中让我们注意到了某些引人入胜但却鲜为人知的作品，如詹姆斯"韦尔登"约翰逊（JamesWeldon Johnson）的《一个曾经是有色人的自传》
（Autobiography of an Ex-ColoredMan）。其逻辑推论构建得甚为严谨，而其率直、清晰的文风亦例示着一种客观冷静和洞察入微的文学批评。

XDF P36（NO6-2-1-2）

Many theories have been formulated to explain the role of grazers such as zooplankton in controlling the amount of planktonic algae (phytoplankton in lakes. The first theories of such grazer control were merely based on observations of negative correlations between algal and zooplankton numbers. A low number of algal cells in the presence of a high number of grazers suggested, but did not prove, that the grazers had removed most of the algae. The converse observation, of the absence of grazers in areas of high phytoplankton concentration, led Hardy to propose his principle of animal exclusion, which hypothesized that phytoplankton produced a repellent that excluded grazers from regions of high phytoplankton concentration. This was the first suggestion of algal defenses against grazing.
Perhaps the fact that many of these first studies considered only algae of a size that could be collected in a net (net phytoplankton, a practice that overlooked the smaller phytoplankton (nannoplankton that we now know grazers are most likely to feed on, led to a de-emphasis of the role of grazers in subsequent research. Increasingly, as in the individual studies of Lund, Round, and Reynolds, researchers began to stress the importance of environmental factors such as temperature, light, and water movements in controlling algal numbers. These environmental factors were amenable to field monitoring and to simulation in the laboratory. Grazing was believed to have some effect on algal numbers, especially after phytoplankton growth rates declined at the end of bloom periods, but grazing was considered a minor component of models that predicted algal population dynamics.
The potential magnitude of grazing pressure on freshwater phytoplankton has only recently been determined empirically. Studies by Hargrave and Geen estimated natural community grazing rates by measuring feeding rates of individual zooplankton species in the laboratory and then computing community grazing rates for field conditions using the known population density of grazers. The high estimates of grazing pressure postulated by these researchers were not fully accepted, however, until the grazing rates of zooplankton were determined directly in the field, by means of new experimental techniques. Using a specially prepared feeding chamber, Haney was able to record zooplankton grazing rates in natural field conditions. In the periods of peak zooplankton abundance, that is, in the late spring and in the summer, Haney recorded maximum daily community grazing rates, for nutrient-poor lakes and bog lakes, respectively, of percent and 114 percent of daily phytoplankton production. Cladocerans had higher grazing rates than copepods, usually accounting for 80 percent of the community grazing rate. These rates varied seasonally, reaching the lowest point in the winter and early spring. Haney’s thorough research provides convincing field evidence that grazers can exert significant pressure on phytoplankton population.

科学家迄今已阐述了诸多理论,用以解释诸如浮游动物（zooplankton）一类的食草动物（grazer）在控制湖泊中浮游水藻（浮游植物，phytoplankton）数量这方面的作用。有关这种食草动物控制作用的最初理论，所依据的仅仅是对水藻数量的浮游动物数量间的负联系所作的观察。在存在大量食草动物的同时却只有少量的水藻花粉囊，这暗示出——但没能证明——食草动物已吞噬了大部分水藻。对相反情形的观察，即在浮游植物高度密集的区域食草动物荡然无存，致使哈代（Hardy）提出他那动物被驱逐的原理，该原理假设，浮游植物会制造出一种驱避物质（repellent），将食草动物从浮游植物高密集的区域驱赶出去。这是最早有关水藻抵御食草动物的吞噬所作出的暗示。
或许基于这一事实，即许多这些早期的研究仅仅考虑了一种其尺寸可用网兜收集起来的水藻（网浮游植物，net phytoplankton），而正是这一做法，忽略了我们现在所已知的食草动物最有可能赖以为生的较小浮游植物（纤浮游植物，nannoplankton），故而导致科学家在随后的研究中贬低食草动物的作用。正如在伦德、朗德、和雷诺兹（Lund，Round，and Reynolds）的单独研究中那样，科研人员开始越来越强调诸如温度光照、以及水的运动这类环境因素在控制水藻数量方面的重要性。这些环境因素可经受实地监测的检
验和实验室内的模拟研究。食草动物的吞食据信会对水藻数量产生一定的影响，尤其是于开花期末期在浮游植物的生长率下降之后；但在那些预测水藻种群动态的模型中，食草动物的吞食视被作一个次要的组成部分。
浮游动物对生长在淡水中的浮游植物所产生的压力，其潜在强度只是在最近才得以通过经验主义的手段确定。由哈格雷夫（Hargrave）和吉恩（Geen）所进行的研究，对自然条件下的群落食草比例进行了估计，其手段是通过测量出实验室内单独的浮游动物种类的结食比例，然后利用已知的食草动物种群密度，计算出实地状况下的群落食草比例。然则，这两位科研人员所假设的食草压力的高估算，直到浮游动物的食草比率通过新的实验技术，直接牵头地获得确证之后，才获得充分的接受。凭借一种特殊准备的给食室，哈尼（Haney）得以记录下自然实地条件下浮游动物的食草比率。在浮游动物数量激增的高峰期，亦即在春季后期以及夏季，哈尼记录了最大程度上的每日群落食草比率，对于营养物不充足的湖和沼泽湖而言，分别为每日浮游植物繁殖量的%和114%。枝角目动物（cladoceran）的食草比率要高于桡足亚纲动物（copepod），一般占群落食草比率的80%。这些比率会随季节而变化，在冬季和早春达到最低点。哈尼全面彻底的研究提供了令人信服的实地证据，证明食草动物确能对浮游植物的种群数量产生重大的压力。

XDF P39（NO5-3-1-1）
The belief that art originates in intuitive rather than rational faculties was worked out historically and philosophically in the somewhat wearisome volumes of Benedetto Croce, who is usually considered the originator of a new aesthetic. Croce was, in fact, expressing a very old idea. Long before the Romantics stressed intuition and self-expression, the frenzy of inspiration was regarded as fundamental to art, but philosophers had always assumed it must be controlled by law and by the intellectual power of putting things into harmonious order. This general philosophic concept of art was supported by technical necessities. It was necessary to master certain laws and to use intellect in order to build Gothic cathedrals, or set up the stained glass windows of Chartres. When this bracing element of craftsmanship ceased to dominate artists’ outlook, new technical elements had to be adopted to maintain the intellectual element in art. Such were linear perspective and anatomy.

艺术源自直觉的而非理性的能力，这一信念是由贝内代托"克罗齐（BenedettoGroce）在其令人略感厌倦乏味的著作中从历史和哲学的角度阐述建立起来的，而克罗齐一般也被视作一种全新美学体系的创始人。事实上，克罗齐所表述的乃是一个极为古老的思想。早在浪漫主义艺术家强调直觉和自我表达之前，灵感的癫狂被视作艺术之根本，但哲学家一贯认为，它必须受制于规律法则，受制于那种将万物组织成和谐秩序的理性力量。这种有关艺术的一般哲学概念由于技术必要性而获得了依据。只有当人们必须掌握了某些规律法则并运用理性，才能建造出哥特式大教堂（Gothic cathedral），或在沙特尔大教堂（Chartres）上安装彩绘玻璃窗。当这一起着主导作用的因素不再能支配艺术家们的创作观时，新的技术因素必须被采用，以维持艺术中的理性成份。这就是直线透视法（linear perspective）和解剖学（anstomy）。

XDF P41（NO6-2-1-1）

Whether the languages of the ancient American peoples were used for expressing abstract universal concepts can be clearly answered in the case of Nahuatl. Nahuatl, like Greek and German, is a language that allows the formation of extensive compounds. By the combination of radicals or semantic elements, single compound words can express complex conceptual relations, often of an abstract universal character.
The tlamatinime (“those who know” were able to use this rich stock of abstract terms to express the nuances of their thought. They also availed themselves of other forms of expression with metaphorical meaning, some probably original, some derived from Toltec coinages. Of these forms the most characteristic in Nahuatl is the juxtaposition of two words that, because they are synonyms, associated terms, or even contraries, complement each other to evoke one single idea. Used as metaphor, the juxtaposed terms connote specific or
essential traits of the being they refer to, introducing a mode of poetry as an almost habitual form of expression.

古代美洲民族的语言是否被用来表达抽象普遍的概念，可在纳瓦特尔语言（Nahuatle）这一实例中得到明确的回答。纳瓦特尔语，犹如希腊文和德文一样，是一种可允许形成大量复合词（compound）的语言。通过对词根（radical）或语义要素（semantic element）的组合，单个的复合词可表达复杂的概念关系，通常具有一种抽象普遍之特征。
那些（tlamatinime）（饱学之士）得以利用这个由抽象语汇构成的丰富宝库来表达其思想的精妙内涵。此外，他们亦利用了其它带有隐喻含义的表达方式，某些可能是原创的，某些则是从托尔特克语（Toltec）的杜撰中派生而来的。在这些表达方式中，纳瓦特尔语中最独特的是将两个词语的并置（juxtaposition），由于这两个词语是同义词、关联词、或甚至是反义词，所以彼此补足，唤起一个单独的概念。并置的词语被作为隐喻使用，可表达出它们所指代事物的具体或本质的特征，从而引入诗歌的模式作为一种几乎是习以为常的表达方式。

XDF P42（NO5-3-1-2）
(The passage below is drawn from an article published in 1962.
Computer programmers often remark that computing machines, with a perfect lack of discrimination, will do any foolish thing they are told to do. The reason for this lies, of course, in the narrow fixation of the computing machine’s “intelligence” on the details of its own perceptions—its inability to be guided by any large context. In a psychological description of the computer intelligence, three related adjectives come to mind: single-minded, literal-minded, and simpleminded. Recognizing this, we should at the same time recognize that this single-mindedness, literal-mindedness, and simplemindedness also characterizes theoretical mathematics, though to a lesser extent.
Since science tries to deal with reality, even the most precise sciences normally work with more or less imperfectly understood approximations toward which scientists must maintain an appropriate skepticism. Thus, for instance, it may come as a shock to mathematicians to learn that the Schrodinger equation for the hydrogen atom is not a literally correct description of this atom, but only an approximation to a somewhat more correct equation taking account of spin, magnetic dipole, and relativistic effects; and that this corrected equation is itself only an imperfect approximation to an infinite set of quantum field-theoretical equations. Physicists, looking at the original Schrodinger equation, learn to sense in it the presence of many invisible terms in addition to the differential terms visible, and this sense inspires an entirely appropriate disregard for the purely technical features of the equation. This very healthy skepticism is foreign to the mathematical approach.
Mathematics must deal with well-defined situations. Thus, mathematicians depend on an intellectual effort outside of mathematics for the crucial specification of the approximation that mathematics is to take literally. Give mathematicians a situation that is the least bit ill-defined, and they will make it well-defined, perhaps appropriately, but perhaps inappropriately. In some cases, the mathematicians’ literal-mindedness may have unfortunate consequences. The mathematicians turn the scientists’ theoretical assumptions, that is, their convenient points of analytical emphasis, into axioms, and then take these axioms literally. This brings the danger that they may also persuade the scientists to take these axioms literally. The question, central to the scientific investigation but intensely disturbing in the mathematical context—what happens if the axioms are relaxed—is thereby ignored.
The physicist rightly dreads precise argument, since an argument that is convincing only if it is precise loses all its force if the assumptions on which it is based are slightly changed, whereas an argument that is convincing though imprecise may well be stable under small perturbations of its underlying assumptions.

计算机程序专家们经常指出，计算机由于绝然缺乏识别能力，因此会做出它们被告知去做的任何傻事。无庸置疑，这一现象的原因在于计算机的“智能”过于狭隘地集中在其自身感知的细节上——即它无法接受任何较广泛的背景的指导。在对计算机智能的心理学描述中，三个相互关联的形容词即浮现于我们的脑际：思维单一化、思维拘泥刻板、以及思维简单化。在认识到这一点的过程中，我们同时亦应认识到，这种单
一的思维、拘泥刻板的思维、以及简单化的思维模式也构成了理论数学（theoretical mathematics）的特征，尽管程度不至如此严重。
由于科学所处理的是现实，因而，即使是最为精确的科学门类一般而言在进行研究时都会带有一些或多或少未被透彻理解的近似值，而科学家针对这些近似值必须保持一种恰如其分的怀疑。因此，举例来说，对数学家而言，了解到下述情形可能会令其惊愕不已，即薛定谔（Schrodinger）的氢原子方程式并非是对该原子作出的一种绝然正确的描述，而仅仅是个近似值，趋近于一个在某种程度上更为正确的将自旋、磁性偶极子、以及相对论效应考虑在内的方程式；而这个得以纠正的方程式就其本身而言也只是一个不完美的近似值，趋近于无穷无尽的一整套量子场论方程式。物理学家在看待原初的薛定谔方程式的过程中，懂得在该方程式中感觉到，除了那些显而易见的微分项（differentialterm）之外，还存在着许多隐而不见的数项，而这种感觉激发起一种完全恰当的对该方程式纯粹的技术特征予以忽略不计。这种甚为健康有益的怀疑态度对于数学的研究方法来说是极为陌生罕见的。
数学必须处理明晰的（well-definded）的问题。因此，数学家会依赖数学领域之外的一种理智努力，对近似值进行至关重要的具体化处理，并从此以后拘泥刻板地予以接受。给数学家出一道模糊性降至最低程度的难题，他们必将其弄得明晰确切，这样做或许恰当，但或许并不恰当。在某些情形中，数学家拘泥刻板的思维模式会招致不幸的后果。数学家将科学家们的理论假设——换言之，他们分析强调之权宜之计——转化成公理（axiom），并由此拘泥刻板地接受这些公理。这便带来一种危险，即他们可能也会竭力劝说科学家们拘泥刻板地接受这些公理。那个对于科学调研至关重要但在数学背景中令人极为不安的问题——倘若这些公理并不严密的话将会发生怎样的后果——因而就被回避忽略了。
物理学家恐惧于那些精确无误的论据不无道理，因为某种只有在它是精确无误的条件下才令人置信的论据，一旦它赖于建立其上的假设稍有变化，便会失去它一部的作用；而与此相反，一个尽管并不精确无误但却令人置信的论据，在其基本假设（underlying assumption）稍微受干扰的情况下，仍然有可能是站得住脚的。

XDF P46（NO5-2-2-2）

We can distinguish three different realms of matter, three levels on the quantum ladder. The first is the atomic realm, which includes the world of atoms, their interactions, and the structures that are formed by them, such as molecules, liquids and solids, and gases and plasmas. This realm includes all the phenomena of atomic physics, chemistry, and, in a certain sense, biology. The energy exchanges taking place in this realm are of a relatively low order. If these exchanges are below one electron volt, such as in the collisions between molecules of the air in a room, then atoms and molecules can be regarded as elementary particles. That is, they have “conditional elementarity” because they keep their identity and do not change in any collisions or in other processes at these low energy exchanges. If one goes to higher energy exchanges, say 104 electron volts, then atoms and molecules will decompose into nuclei and electrons; at this level, the latter particles must be considered as elementary. We find examples of structures and processes of this first rung of the quantum ladder on Earth, on planets, and on the surfaces of stars.
The next rung is the nuclear realm. Here the energy exchanges are much higher, on the order of millions of electron volts. As long as we are dealing with phenomena in the atomic realm, such amounts of energy are unavailable, and most nuclei are inert: they do not change. However, if one applies energies of millions of electron volts, nuclear reactions, fission and fusion, and the processes of radioactivity occur; our elementary particles then are protons, neutrons, and electrons. In addition, nuclear processes produce neutrinos, particles that have no detectable mass or charge. In the universe, energies at this level are available in the centers of stars and in star explosions. Indeed, the energy radiated by the stars is produced by nuclear reactions. The natural radioactivity we find on Earth is the long-lived remnant of the time when now-earthly matter was expelled into space by a major stellar explosion.
The third rung of the quantum ladder is the subnuclear realm. Here we are dealing with energy exchanges of many billions of electron volts. We encounter excited nucleons, new types of particles such as mesons, heavy electrons, quarks, and gluons, and also antimatter in large quantities. The gluons are the quanta, or smallest
units, of the force (the strong force that keeps the quarks together. As long as we are dealing with the atomic or nuclear realm, these new types of particles do not occur and the nucleons remain inert. But at subnuclear energy levels, the nucleons and mesons appear to be composed of quarks, so that the quarks and gluons figure as elementary particles.

我们可区分出三个不同的物质范围，或曰量子阶梯（quantum ladder）上的三个层次。首先是原子的范围（atomic realm），它涵盖原子的世界，它们的交互反应，以及由它们形成的结构，诸如分子、液体和固体、气体和等离子体（plasma）。这一范围内包括原子物理、原子化学、以及在某种意义上原子生物学的全部现象。在这一范围内发生的能量交换具有一种较低的序列。假如这些交换低于一个电子伏特（electron volt）的话，例如房间内的空气分子之间发生碰撞，那么，原子和分子即可被视作基本粒子（elementary particle）。换言之，它们具有“有条件的基本性”，因为它们保持其原有身份，在任何这类低能量交换的碰撞或其它过程中保持不变。假如来到更高的能量交换层，比如说104电子伏特，那么，原子和分子将会分解成为核（nucleus）和电子；在此层次上，后两种粒子必须被视作基本粒子。在地球上，在行星上，以及在星球的表面，我们可发现量子阶梯这第一个梯极上的结构和过程的实例。
下一个梯级为核的范围（nuclear realm）。这里，能量交换层次来得更高，在数百万电子伏特的序列上。只要我们所处理的是原子范围内的现象，如许数量的能量是不可能获得的，绝大多数的核表现为惰性的：它们不会发生变化。但是，当我们应用数百万电子伏特的能量时，核反应，即核裂变为核聚变，以及放射过程一并发生；这样，我们的基本粒子便是质子（proton）、中子、以及电子。此外，核反应过程还产生中微子（neutrino），一种质量或电荷均无法测定的粒子。宇宙中，该层次上的能量可在星球中央或星星爆炸中获得。实质上，星星辐射出来的能量就是核反应产生的。我们在地球上所发现的自然放射现象是自某个时候起历时长久的残留物所致当时，现在地球上的放射物由一次重大的星星爆炸驱入太空
量子阶梯上的第三梯级乃亚核的范围（subnuclear realm）。这里，我们所处理的是许多亿电子伏特的能量交换。我们遇到的是活跃的核子（nucleon）、新的类型的粒子，诸如介子（meson）、重电子、夸克（quark）、以及胶子（gluon），还有大量的反物质（antimatter）。胶子是某股力量（一般强大的力量）的量子，或曰最小的单位；正是这股力量将夸克结合在一起。只我们所处理的是原子的或核的范围，这些新的类型的粒子便不会产生，核子保持其惰性特征。但在亚核能量层上，核子和介子似乎是由夸克构成的，这样，夸克和胶子便充当基本粒子。

XDF P50（NO6-1-2-1）

The molecules of carbon dioxide in the Earth’s atmosphere affect the heat balance of the Earth by acting as a one-way screen. Although these molecules allow radiation at visible wavelengths, where most of the energy of sunlight is concentrated, to pass through, they absorb some of the longer-wavelength, infrared emissions radiated from the Earth’s surface, radiation that would otherwise be transmitted back into space. For the Earth to maintain a constant average temperature, such emissions from the planet must balance incoming solar radiation. If there were no carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, heat would escape from the Earth much more easily. The surface temperature would be so much lower that the oceans might be a solid mass of ice.
Today, however, the potential problem is too much carbon dioxide. The burning of fossil fuels and the clearing of forests have increased atmospheric carbon dioxide by about 15 percent in the last hundred years, and we continue to add carbon dioxide to the atmosphere. Could the increase in carbon dioxide cause a global rise in average temperature, and could such a rise have serious consequences for human society Mathematical models that allow us to calculate the rise in temperature as a function of the increase indicate that the answer is probably yes.
Under present conditions a temperature of-18℃ can be observed at an altitude of 5 to 6 kilometers above the Earth. Below this altitude (called the radiating level, the temperature increases by about 6℃ per kilometer approaching the Earth’s surface, where the average temperature is about 15℃. An increase in the amount of carbon dioxide means that there are more molecules of carbon dioxide to absorb infrared radiation. As the capacity of the atmosphere to absorb infrared radiation increases, the radiating level and the temperature of the
surface must rise.
One mathematical model predicts that doubling the atmospheric carbon dioxide would raise the global mean surface temperature by 2.5℃. This model assumes that the atmosphere’s relative humidity remains constant and the temperature decreases with altitude at a rate of 6.5℃ per kilometer. The assumption of constant relative humidity is important, because water vapor in the atmosphere is another efficient absorber of radiation at infrared wavelengths. Because warm air can hold more moisture than cool air, the relative humidity will be constant only if the amount of water vapor in the atmosphere increases as the temperature rises. Therefore, more infrared radiation would be absorbed and reradiated back to the Earth’s surface. The resultant warming at the surface could be expected to melt snow and ice, reducing the Earth’s reflectivity. More solar radiation would then be absorbed, leading to a further increase in temperature.

地球大气层中的二氧化碳（carbon dioxide）分子通过充当一个单向屏障从而影响到地球的热量平衡。虽然这些分子允许可见波长（visible wavelength）的辐射——阳光的绝大部分能量就汇集于此——不受阻挡地穿透，但它们却会吸收某些较长波长（longer-wavelength），亦即从地球表面辐射出的红外发射（infrared cmission），这种辐射若不是二氧化碳的缘故就会被重新输送回太空。为使地球维持一种稳定不变的平均气温，来自行星的这些发射必须与进来的太阳辐射相平衡。如果大气中没有二氧化碳存在，热量将更轻而易举地从地球逃逸。地球的表面温度会变得如此之低，以致于海洋全都会冻结成一大块坚硬的冰。
然则，今天的潜在问题是二氧化碳过多。化石燃料的燃烧以及森林的砍伐在最近的一百年中致使大气中的二氧化碳增加了约15%，并且我们还在继续不断地将二氧化碳加入到大气中。二氧化碳的增加是否会导致平均气温的全球性上升，且这种上升是否会对人类社会产生严重的后果那些允许我们将气温的上升当作二氧化碳增加的一个函数来进行计算的数学模型表明答案或许是肯定的。
在目前条件下，在地球上空5至6公里的高度可观察到一种－18℃的气温。在此高度（被称为辐射层）以下，温度就以每靠近地球表面一公里约6℃的比例增加，而在地球表面，平均温度约为15℃。二氧化碳数量的增加，即意味着有更多的二氧化碳分子去吸收红外辐射。随着大气吸收二氧化碳能力的增加，辐射层以及地球表面温度必然会上升。某个数学模型预测，大气中二氧化碳含量增加一倍，就会致使全球平均表面温度上升2.5℃。该模型假设，大气的相对湿度保持稳定不变，这种情况下温度将以每公里6.5℃的比例随着高度的上升而递增。有关稳定不变的相对湿度这一假设极为重要，因为大气层中的水蒸气是红外波长辐射的另一个有效的吸收渠道。由于暖空气要比冷空气包容更多的水气，因此，只有当大气层中的水蒸气数量随着温度的上升而相应增加时，相对湿度才会稳定不变。因此，更多的红外辐射会被吸收，并重新被辐射至地球表面。在地球表面随之而产生的升温作用可望融化冰雪。减弱地球的反射能力。这样，更多的太阳辐射将被吸收，导致温度的进一步增高。

XDF P52（NO5-2-2-1）

Initially the Vinaver theory that Malory’s eight romances, once thought to be fundamentally unified, were in fact eight independent works produced both a sense of relief and an unpleasant shock. Vinaver’s theory comfortably explained away the apparent contradictions of chronology and made each romance independently satisfying. It was, however, disagreeable to find that what had been thought of as one book was now eight books. Part of this response was the natural reaction to the disturbance of set ideas. Nevertheless, even now, after lengthy consideration of the theory’s refined but legitimate observations, one cannot avoid the conclusion that the eight romances are only one work. It is not quite a matter of disagreeing with the theory of independence, but of rejecting its implications: that the romances may be taken in any or no particular order, that they have no cumulative effect, and that they are as separate as the works of a modern novelist.

最初，维纳弗（Vinaver）的理论，即马洛礼（Malory）的八部罗曼司——曾经被认为根本上完整统一的——事实上却是八部互为独立的作品，既产生了一种轻慰感，又产了一种令人不愉快的惊愕。令人舒畅的是，维纳弗的理论解释掉了明显的年代学矛盾，使每一部罗曼司可以独立地自成一体。然则，令人不愉快的是，人们发现一贯被认为是一部作品的罗曼司，现在竟然成了八部作品。这一反应部分地是对固定的
思想遭到动摇作出的理所当然的反应。虽然如此，即使时至今日，在对该理论细致入微但却甚为合理的观察进行了漫长考虑之后，我们仍无法避免这样的结论，即八部罗曼司就仅仅是一部作品。这样做，在很大程度上倒并非表明不同意八部罗曼司彼此独立这一理论，而是要摈弃该理论所隐含的言下之义：即这些罗曼司可按照任何顺序或根本不按照任何特定的顺序来阅读；它们不具有任何累积渐增的效果；它们犹如当代小说家的作品那样是彼此无甚联系的。

XDF P54（NO6-2-2-2）

The historian Frederick J. Turner wrote in the 1890’s that the agrarian discontent that had been developing steadily in the United States since about 1870 had been precipitated by the closing of the internal frontier—that is, the depletion of available new land needed for further expansion of the American farming system. Not only was Turner’s thesis influential at the time, it was later adopted and elaborated by other scholars, such as John D. Hicks in The Populist Revolt (1931. Actually, however, new lands were taken up for farming in the United States throughout and beyond the nineteenth century. In the 1890’s, when agrarian discontent had become most acute, 1,100,000 new farms were settled, which was 500,000 more than had been settled during the previous decade. After 1890, under the terms of the Homestead Act and its successors, more new land was taken up for farming than had been taken up for this purpose in the United States up until that time. It is true that a high proportion of the newly farmed land was suitable only for grazing and dry farming, but agricultural practices had become sufficiently advanced to make it possible to increase the profitability of farming by utilizing even these relatively barren lands.
The emphasis given by both scholars and statesmen to the presumed disappearance of the American frontier helped to obscure the great importance of changes in the conditions and consequences of international trade that occurred during the second half of the nineteenth century. In 1869 the Suez Canal was opened and the first transcontinental railroad in the United States was completed. An extensive network of telegraph and telephone communications was spun: Europe was connected by submarine cable with the United States in 1866 and with South America in 1874. By about 1870 improvements in agricultural technology made possible the full exploitation of areas that were most suitable for extensive farming on a mechanized basis. Huge tracts of land were being settled and farmed in Argentina, Australia, Canada, and in the American West, and these areas were joined with one another and with the countries of Europe into an interdependent market system. As a consequence, agrarian depressions no longer were local or national in scope, and they struck several nations whose internal frontiers had not vanished or were not about to vanish. Between the early 1870’s and the 1890’s, the mounting agrarian discontent in America paralleled the almost uninterrupted decline in the prices of American agricultural products on foreign markets. Those staple-growing farmers in the United States who exhibited the greatest discontent were those who had become most dependent on foreign markets for the sale of their products. Insofar as (to the extent or degree that Americans had been deterred from taking up new land for farming, it was because market conditions had made this period a perilous time in which to do so.

史学家弗雷德里克"杰"特纳（Frederick ）于十九世纪九十年代著述道，美国约自18世纪70年代以来一直在持续不断发展的农民不满，由于国内边远地区（internal frontier）的封闭而更趋加剧——亦即是说，美国农业系统进一步扩展所必需的可资利用的新土地几近耗竭。特纳的这一论点不仅在当时颇具影响，而且后来还被其他学者采纳并予以阐发，诸如约翰"德"希克斯（John ）在其所著的《平民党起义》（The Populist ）中所做的那样。然则，实际上，在整个九十年代，当农民不满达到最剧烈的程度时，1,100,000个新农场被开垦出来，这一数字要比此前的十年中所开垦出来的农场总量超出500,000个。1890年之后，在《宅地法案》（Homestead Act）以及继此之后颁布的诸法案的条件规定下，有更多的新土地被利用起来发展农业，其数量比到那时为止美国为此目的开发的土地总量还要多。诚然，很大一部分新开垦的土地仅宜于放牧和旱作，但农业手段已发展得相当进步，足以使农民即使通过利用这些相对贫脊的土地，亦可增加其农业的经济效益。
无论是学者抑或是政治家，对美国边远地区的所谓消失予以强调，这便掩盖了十九世纪后半叶在国际贸易
之条件和后果这些方面所发生的变化的巨大重要性。1869年，苏伊士运河（Suez Canal）开通，美国国内第一条横贯大陆的铁路亦告竣工。一个大规模的电报和电话通信网络也已构建起来：通过海底电缆，欧洲于1886年与美国并于1874年与南美洲联接起来。至1870年左右，农业技术的提高使农民得以充分利用那些最适合于在机械化的基础上大规模耕种的土地。在阿根廷、澳大利亚、加拿大、以及美国西部，大片土地被开垦和耕种，这些地区相互联结起来，并与欧洲国家联结起来，构成了一个互为依赖的市场体系。其后果是，农业萧条在范围上不再是地方性的国家性的，而会殃及好几个国家，只要这些国家的国内边远地区尚未消失，或者不会即将消失。在十九世纪七十年代早期和九十代期间，美国国内不断上升的农民不满与美国农产品价格在国外市场上几乎连绵不断的跌落平行发展。那些在美国种植主要粮食作物的农民表现出了最强烈的不满，而这些人恰好就是最严重依赖外国市场来销售其产品的。美国农民不再敢于利用新的土地去发展农业，就此而言，这是因为市场状况已使这段时期变得遍布风险，如果真的有人要去这和做的话。

XDF P57（NO5-3-2-2）

When the same parameters and quantitative theory are used to analyze both termite colonies and troops of rhesus macaques, we will have a unified science of sociobiology. Can this ever really happen As my own studies have advanced, I have been increasingly impressed with the functional similarities between insect and vertebrate societies and less so with the structural differences that seem, at first glance , to constitute such an immense gulf between them. Consider for a moment termites and macaques. Both form cooperative groups that occupy territories. In both kinds of society there is a well-marked division of labor. Members of both groups communicate to each other hunger, alarm, hostility, caste status or rank, and reproductive status. From the specialist’s point of view, this comparison may at first seem facile—or worse. But it is out of such deliberate oversimplification that the beginnings of a general theory are made.

当相同的参数（parameter）和定量理论（quantitative theory）被用来分析白蚁群（termite colony）和猕猴群时，我们将建立起一门统一的社会生物学科学。这样的事情究竟真能发生吗随着我的研究不断深入，我对昆虫和脊椎动物群落之间的功能类似性印象愈来愈深刻，而对结构上的差异印象愈发淡漠，虽然这些结构上的差异初看上去似乎构成了二者间一条无法愈越的鸿沟。试稍考虑一下白蚁和猕猴。二者均会形成合作性群体，占领地盘。在这两种动物群落内，都有着明确的分工。两类群体内的成员彼此间传递各种信息，包括饥饿、警报、敌意、等级地位或级别，以及繁殖地位。从专家的眼光来看，这种比较起初可能会显得甚为轻而易举——甚至更为糟糕。但正是从这种有意识的过分简单化的做法中，一种一般理论的萌芽阶段方可得以奠定基础。

XDF P59（NO6-2-2-1）

Hydrogeology is a science dealing with the properties, distribution, and circulation of water on the surface of the land, in the soil and underlying rocks, and in the atmosphere. The hydrologic cycle, a major topic in this science, is the complete cycle of phenomena through which water passes, beginning as atmospheric water vapor, passing into liquid and solid form as precipitation, thence along and into the ground surface, and finally again returning to the form of atmospheric water vapor by means of evaporation and transpiration.
The term “geohydrology” is sometimes erroneously used as a synonym for “hydrogeology.” Geohydrology is concerned with underground water. There are many formations that contain water but are not part of the hydrologic cycle because of geologic changes that have isolated them underground. These systems are properly termed geohydrologic but not hydrogeologic. Only when a system possesses natural or artificial boundaries that associate the water within it with the hydrologic cycle may the entire system properly be termed hydrogeologic.


水文地质学（hydrogeology）这门科学所研究的是陆地表面、土壤和位于土壤以下的岩石中、以及大气内水的属性特征、分布、以及循环。水文循环（hydrologic cycle），作为该学科中的一个主要课题，指的是水所经过的诸现象的整个循环过程，开始时是作为大气中的水蒸气，转而作为雨、雪、露、雹一类的降水量经过液体和固体形态，由此而沿着地层表面分布或进入地层表面，最终通过蒸发和散发作用再度回复到大气水蒸气的形态。
“地下水文学”（geohydrology）这一术语时常被人误作“水文地质学”的同义词。地下水文学所关注的是地下水。有许多地质构成的包含有水，但并不属于水文循环的一部分，因为地质变化已将它们在地下孤立隔绝开来。这些地质系统被恰当地称为与地下水文学相关，而非与水文地质学相关。只有当某一地质系统拥有自然的或人工的界限，将该系统内的水与水文循环起来，这整个系统方能被恰当地称为与水文地质学相关。

XDF P60（NO5-3-2-1）

In eighteenth-century France and England, reformers rallied around egalitarian ideals, but few reformers advocated higher education for women. Although the public decried women’s lack of education, it did not encourage learning for its own sake for women. In spite of the general prejudice against learned women, there was one place where women could exhibit their erudition: the literary salon. Many writers have defined the woman’s role in the salon as that of an intelligent hostess, but the salon had more than a social function for women. It was an informal university, too, where women exchanged ideas with educated persons, read their own works and heard those of others, and received and gave criticism.
In the 1750’s, when salons were firmly established in France, some English women, who called themselves “Bluestocking,” followed the example of the salonnieres (French salon hostesses and formed their own salons. Most Bluestockings did not wish to mirror the salonnieres; they simply desired to adapt a proven formula to their own purpose—the elevation of women’s status through moral and intellectual training. Differences in social orientation and background can account perhaps for differences in the nature of French and English salons. The French salon incorporated aristocratic attitudes that exalted courtly pleasure and emphasized artistic accomplishments. The English Bluestockings, originating from a more modest background, emphasized learning and work over pleasure. Accustomed to the regimented life of court circles, salonnieres tended toward formality in their salons. The English women, though somewhat puritanical, were more casual in their approach.
At first, the Bluestockings did imitate the salonnieres by including men in their circles. However, as they gained cohesion, the Bluestockings came to regard themselves as a women’s group and to possess a sense of female solidarity lacking in the salonnieres, who remained isolated from one another by the primacy each held in her own salon. In an atmosphere of mutual support, the Bluestockings went beyond the salon experience. They traveled, studied, worked, wrote for publication, and by their activities challenged the stereotype of the passive woman. Although the salonnieres were aware of sexual inequality, the narrow boundaries of their world kept their intellectual pursuits within conventional limits. Many salonnieres, in fact, camouflaged their nontraditional activities behind the role of hostess and deferred to men in public.
Though the Bluestockings were trailblazers when compared with the salonnieres, they were not feminists. They were too traditional, too hemmed in by their generation to demand social and political rights. Nonetheless, in their desire for education, their willingness to go beyond the confines of the salon in pursuing their interests, and their championing of unity among women, the Bluestockings began the process of questioning women’s role in society.

在十八世纪的法国和英国，改革家们团聚在平等主义理想的周围，但几乎没有任何改革家提倡让女性获得高等教育。虽然公众对女性缺乏教育横加责难，但它并不鼓励女性为了知识自身的缘故而去追求知识。尽管对知识女性普遍存在偏见，但在一个地方女性可展现其渊博学识：文学沙龙（Literary Salon）。许多作家将女性在沙龙中有作用定义为充当一个聪明的女主人的作用，但于对女性来说沙龙并不只具有一种社交功能。它还是一所不正规的大学，这里，女性可以与那些有教养的人士交换思想，阅读她们自己的作品并
了解他人写的作品，接受批评并提出批评。
在十八世纪五十年代，当沙龙在法国早已根深蒂固之时，某些将自己谓作“蓝袜女”（Bluestocking）的英国女性，效仿法国沙龙女主人（Salonniere）的榜样，创办了她们自己的沙龙。大多数蓝袜女并不想紧跟在法国沙龙女主人背后亦步亦趋；她们只是意欲利用一种公认的惯例（proven formula）来满足其自身的目的——即通过道德和学术上的训练来提高女性的地位。社会倾向以及社会背景这些方面的差异或许可以说明法国和英国沙龙在性质上的差异。法国沙龙体现出贵族的态度，崇尚宫廷优雅享受，并注造艺术造诣。英国的蓝袜女们，由于来自一个较为逊色的背景，强调学问与工作，对享受则看得较轻。法国沙龙女主人由于惯于宫廷小圈子严格有序的生活方式，故在其沙龙侧重于繁文缛节。而英国女性，虽然某种程度上不乏清教徒色彩，但在其组织沙龙的方法上要来得较为随意，不拘礼节。
起初，蓝袜女们确实模仿了法国沙龙女主人，将男性襄括到其小圈子中来。然则，随着她们获得的凝聚力，她们渐趋将自己视作一女性团体，并拥有了一种妇女团结意识，而这种意识在法国沙龙女主人身上则荡然无存，因为她们每个人在其自己的沙龙中自视甚高而彼此孤立隔绝开来。在一种互相支持的氛围中，蓝袜女们超越了沙龙经验。她们旅行、学习、工作、撰文发表，通过其所作所为，向被动女性这一陈规陋见发起挑战。尽管法国沙龙女主人意识到两性的不平等，但她们小天地的狭隘界限将其学术上的追求限制在传统范围内。事实上，许多法国沙龙女主人将其非传统的所作所为掩藏在女主人这一角色的背后，在公开场合对男性则言听计从。
虽然与法国沙龙女主人相比，蓝袜女们可谓是开路先锋，但她们并非女权主义者。她们太传统了，过分地受其时代的禁锢而不可能提出社会与政治权利的要求。虽然如此，但凭藉着她们对教育的追求，她们甘愿超越沙龙的局限去追寻各种志趣爱好，以及她们对女性团结的倡导，蓝袜女们开了向女性在社会中的角色进行质疑这一过程的先河。

XDF P63（NO6-3-1-1）

The use of heat pumps has been held back largely by skepticism about advertisers’ claims that heat pumps can provide as many as two units of thermal energy for each unit of electrical energy used, thus apparently contradicting the principle of energy conservation. Heat pumps circulate a fluid refrigerant that cycles alternatively from its liquid phase to its vapor phase in a closed loop. The refrigerant, starting as a low-temperature, low-pressure vapor, enters a compressor driven by an electric motor. The refrigerant leaves the compressor as a hot, dense vapor and flows through a heat exchanger called the condenser, which transfers heat from the refrigerant to a body of air. Now the refrigerant, as a high-pressure, cooled liquid, confronts a flow restriction which causes the pressure to drop. As the pressure falls, the refrigerant expands and partially vaporizes, becoming chilled. It then passes through a second heat exchanger, the evaporator, which transfers heat from the air to the refrigerant, reducing the temperature of this second body of air. Of the two heat exchangers, one is located inside, and the other one outside the house, so each is in contact with a different body of air: room air and outside air, respectively.
The flow direction of refrigerant through a heat pump is controlled by valves. When the refrigerant flow is reversed, the heat exchangers switch function. This flow-reversal capability allows heat pumps either to heat or cool room air. Now, if under certain conditions a heat pump puts out more thermal energy than it consumes in electrical energy, has the law of energy conservation been challenged No, not even remotely: the additional input of thermal energy into the circulating refrigerant via the evaporator accounts for the difference in the energy equation.
Unfortunately, there is one real problem. The heating capacity of a heat pump decreases as the outdoor temperature falls. The drop in capacity is caused by the lessening amount of refrigerant mass moved through the compressor at one time. The heating capacity is proportional to this mass flow rate: the less the mass of refrigerant being compressed, the less the thermal load it can transfer through the heat-pump cycle. The volume flow rate of refrigerant vapor through the single-speed rotary compressor used in heat pumps is approximately constant. But cold refrigerant vapor entering a compressor is at lower pressure than warmer vapor. Therefore, the mass of cold refrigerant—and thus the thermal energy it carries—is less than if the refrigerant vapor were
warmer before compression.
Here, then, lies a genuine drawback of heat pumps: in extremely cold climates—where the most heat is needed—heat pumps are least able to supply enough heat.

热泵（heat pump）的使用受到阻遏，这在很大程度上由于人们对广告商的声音心存疑虑，广告商称，对于所被消耗的每个单位的电能来说，热泵可产生多达两个单位的热能，因此显然与能量守恒定理相背悖。
热泵将一液体致冷剂加予循环流动，该致冷剂在一封闭的环道内从其液体阶段至气体阶段交替地作循环运动。致冷剂初启动时作为一低温低压的气体，进入由电动马达驱动有压缩机。在离开压缩机时，致冷剂已变作高温、稠密的气体，流经一个被称为冷凝器的热交换器，将热量从致冷剂转换作一团气体。现在，该致冷剂作为一高压、冷却的液体，面临一流量限制，致使压力下降。随着压力的下降，致冷剂膨胀且部分蒸发，变得冷却下来。接着，它流经第二个热交换器，即蒸发机，将热量从气体转换为致冷剂，从而将这第二团气体的压力加以降低。在这两个热交换器之间，一个位于室内，另一个位于室外，这样，每个热交换器所接触的是一团不同的气体，分别为室内空气和室外空气。致冷剂在热泵内的流向由阀门控制。当致冷剂的流向被逆转时，两个热交换器便互相转换其功能。这种流向逆转能力致使热泵可将房间空气加热或冷却。
现在，如果在某些条件下，热泵所产生的热能超出了它所消耗的电能，能量守恒定律即已遭到质疑了吗不，丝毫没有：通过蒸发机而额外输入到循环流动的致冷剂中的热能足以解释能量平衡方面的这一差异。
不幸的是，存在着一个真的问题。热泵的加热功能会随着室外温度的下降而减弱。加热能力的降低是由压缩机中一次流过的致冷剂质量的减少所致。加热能力与此致冷剂质量流率成正比：受到压缩的致冷剂质量越少，它通过热泵循环所能转换的热负载就越低。流经单速旋转压缩机的致冷剂气体，其体积流率是大致稳定不变的。但是，进入压缩机的冷致冷剂气体的压力要低于较暖气体的压力。因此，冷致冷剂的质量——以及因此它所运载的热能——要低于另一种情形下的质量，即假如致冷剂气体在被压缩之前温度较高的话。
如此看来，这里存在着热泵的一个真正的障碍：在极寒冷的气候条件中——亦即最需要热量之时——热泵却最不能提供充分的热量。

XDF P65（NO7-2-1-1）

Eight percent of the Earth’s crust is aluminum, and there are hundreds of aluminum-bearing minerals and vast quantities of the rocks that contain them. The best aluminum ore is bauxite, defined as aggregates of aluminous minerals, more or less impure, in which aluminum is present as hydrated oxides. Bauxite is the richest of all those aluminous rocks that occur in large quantities, and it yields alumina, the intermediate product required for the production of aluminum. Alumina also occurs naturally as the mineral corundum, but corundum is not found in large deposits of high purity, and therefore it is an impractical source for making aluminum. Most of the many abundant nonbauxite aluminous minerals are silicates, and, like all silicate minerals, they are refractory, resistant to analysis, and extremely difficult to process. The aluminum silicates are therefore generally unsuitable alternatives to bauxite because considerably more energy is required to extract alumina from them.

地球地壳的百分之八为铝（aluminum），而含铝的矿物质则有数百种之多，还有大量包含这些矿物质的岩石。最佳的铝矿是铝土矿（bauxite），而所谓“铝土矿”，被定义为含铝矿物的总称，这些矿物或多或少并非纯粹，铝于其中作为水合氧化物（hydratedoxide）存在。铝土矿是所有那些大量出现的含铝岩石中含量最丰富的岩石，它产生氧化铝（alumina），一种制造铝所必不可少的中间产品。氧化铝亦作为刚玉（corundum）这种矿物质自然发生，然而，刚玉无法以高纯度、大储量被发现，因此，它不是一种切实可和的冶炼铝的矿源。在许多储量丰富的非铝土矿（nonbauxite）的含铝矿物中，绝大部分矿物为硅酸盐（silicate），但如同所有的硅酸盐矿物一样，它们耐溶解，不易分解，极难加工。因此，一般而言，铝硅酸盐不适合作为铝土矿的替代物质，因为要从它们中提炼出氧化铝，需要耗费更多可观的能源。



XDF P67（NO6-3-1-2）

All of Francoise Duparc’s surviving paintings blend portraiture and genre. Her subjects appear to be acquaintances whom she has asked to pose; she has captured both their self-consciousness and the spontaneity of their everyday activities, the depiction of which characterizes genre painting. But genre painting, especially when it portrayed members of the humblest classes, was never popular in eighteenth-century France. The Le Nain brothers and Georges de La Tour, who also chose such themes, were largely ignored. Their present high standing is due to a different, more democratic political climate and to different aesthetic values: we no longer require artists to provide ideal images of humanity for our moral edification but rather regard such idealization as a falsification of the truth. Duparc gives no improving message and discreetly refrains from judging her subjects. In brief, her works neither elevate nor instruct. This restraint largely explains her lack of popular success during her lifetime, even if her talent did not go completely unrecognized by her eighteenth-century French contemporaries.

费朗索瓦丝"迪帕克（Francoise Duparc）所有幸存的绘画作品将肖像画和风俗画融为一体。她的创作对象似乎是她的熟人，这些人应她之邀前来摆姿势作画。无论是他们日常活动的忸怩害羞之态，还是其自然率直之神情，她都一并捕捉住，而对日常活动的描绘，即构成了风俗画（genre painting）之特征。然则，风俗画，尤其是当它表现最卑微阶层的成员时，在十八世纪的法国从未受到人们的青睐。勒纳安（Le Nain）兄弟以及乔治"德"拉"图尔（Georges de La Tour）同样也选择了这样的题材，但在很大程度上被人不屑一顾。他们目前很高的地位缘自一种全然不同的、更为民主的政治氛围，并且缘自全然不同的美学价值：我们不再要求艺术家提供理想化的人类形象来进行道德教诲，相反，却会把这种理想化的做法视作对真理的弄虚作假。迪帕克从不传达出粉饰现实的主题，并小心翼翼地避免对其人物对象作道德评判。简而言之，她的作品既不美化，亦不说教。这种克制在很大程度上足以解释她有生之年何以会缺乏普遍的成功，虽然她的艺术禀赋并没有遭到其十八世纪法国同代人的彻底漠视。

XDF P68（NO7-2-1-2）

Traditionally, the study of history has had fixed boundaries and focal points—periods, countries, dramatic events, and great leaders. It also has had clear and firm notions of scholarly procedure: how one inquires into a historical problem, how one presents and documents one’s findings, what constitutes admissible and adequate proof.
Anyone who has followed recent historical literature can testify to the revolution that is taking place in historical studies. The currently fashionable subjects come directly from the sociology catalog: childhood, work, leisure. The new subjects are accompanied by new methods. Where history once was primarily narrative, it is now entirely analytic. The old questions “What happened” and “How did it happen” have given way to the question “Why did it happen” Prominent among the methods used to answer the question “Why” is psychoanalysis, and its use has given rise to psychohistory.
Psychohistory does not merely use psychological explanations in historical contexts. Historians have always used such explanations when they were appropriate and when there was sufficient evidence for them. But this pragmatic use of psychology is not what psychohistorians intend. They are committed, not just to psychology in general, but to Freudian psychoanalysis. This commitment precludes a commitment to history as historians have always understood it. Psychohistory derives its “facts” not from history, the detailed records of events and their consequences, but from psychoanalysis of the individuals who made history, and deduces its theories not from this or that instance in their lives, but from a view of human nature that transcends history. It denies the basic criterion of historical evidence: that evidence be publicly accessible to, and therefore assessable by, all historians. And it violates the basic tenet of historical method: that historians be alert to the negative instances that would refute their theses. Psychohistorians, convinced of the absolute rightness of their own theories, are also
convinced that theirs is the “deepest” explanation of any event, that other explanations fall short of the truth.
Psychohistory is not content to violate the discipline of history (in the sense of the proper mode of studying and writing about the past; it also violates the past itself. It denies to the past an integrity and will of its own, in which people acted out of a variety of motives and in which events had a multiplicity of causes and effects. It imposes upon the past the same determinism that it imposes upon the present, thus robbing people and events of their individuality and of their complexity. Instead of respecting the particularity of the past, it assimilates all events, past and present, into a single deterministic schema that is presumed to be true at all times and in all circumstances.

传统上，史学研究有其固定的侧重点——时代、国家、富于戏剧色彩的事件、以及杰出的领袖人物。有关学术研究的程序，它也不乏某些明确而又牢固的观念：史学家应如何探究某一历史问题，应如何呈示和佐证其研究发现，什么样的材料方能构成值得采纳的和充分的证据。
任何一个密切关注近期史学文献的人均能证明，在史学研究中正发生着一场革命。目前甚为时髦的研究主题直接来自社会学目录册：童年、工作、以及闲暇。全新的研究主题被辅诸以全新的研究方法。在史学研究主要曾是叙术述性的地方，现在全然成为分析性的。象“发生了什么”以及“以何方式发生的”这类古老的问题已让位于这样一个问题“它为什么会发生”。在用以回答“为什么”这一问题的种种方法中，甚为突出的一个就是心理分析法（psychoanalysis），而它的应用则导致了心理史学（psychohistory）的诞生。
将心理解释应用于史学研究的领域，这并不仅局限于心理史学。当它们是恰当的时候，并有充分的证据为其提供依据时，史学家们一贯在利用这样的解释。但是，这种对心理学实用主义的运用并非是心理史学所意欲采纳的。他们所投身于其中的，并不仅仅是一般意义上的心理学，而是弗洛易德心理分析学说（Freudian psychoanalysis）。对弗洛易德学说的投入，排除了史学家对他们所一贯理解的那种传统史学的投入。心理史学的“事实”并非导源于历史本身，即对历史事件及其后果的详尽记载，而是导源于对那些创造了历史的个人进行的心理分析；其理论不是从他们生平中这个或那个实例中演绎推论而来，而是来自某个超越历史的关于人类本性的观点。它否认历史证据的基本标准，即证据应公开地为所有的史学家所获取，从而能为所有的史学家所评估。此外，它还违背史学方法的基本准则，即史学家应敏感关注那些有可能驳倒其论点的反面事例。心理史学家，由于坚信其自身理论的绝然正确性，故而亦坚信他们的解释是对任何历史事件所能作出的“最深刻的”解释，而其它的解释均与真理相去甚远。
心理史学并不满足于对历史学这一学科（意指那种对昔日那段历史恰如其分的研究和著述方式）予以背叛，而且连昔日的那段历史本身也横加背叛。它否认昔日的那段历史具有一种完整性和其自身的意志，而在过去，人们的行动则是出于种种不尽相同的动机，历史事件也拥有许许多多的原因和后果。它将同样的一种决定论（determinism）强加于过去，亦强加于现在，从而将历史中的人和事件的独特性和复杂性剥夺殆尽。它绝不尊重昔日历史的特殊性，而是将所有的历史事件，无论是过去的还是现在的，均囊括到一个唯独仅有的决定论模式（deterministic schema）中，而这一决定论模式则被假定为在所有的时候以及在所有的情形中均正确无误。

XDF P72（NO7-3-1-2）

Flatfish, such as the flounder, are among the few vertebrates that lack approximate bilateral symmetry (symmetry in which structures to the left and right of the body’s midline are mirror images. Most striking among the many asymmetries evident in an adult flatfish is eye placement: before maturity one eye migrates, so that in an adult flatfish both eyes are on the same side of the head. While in most species with asymmetries virtually all adults share the same asymmetry, members of the starry flounder species can be either left-eyed (both eyes on the left side of head or right-eyed. In the waters between the United States and Japan, the starry flounder populations vary from about 50 percent left-eyed off the United States West Coast, through about 70 percent left-eyed halfway between the United States and Japan, to nearly 100 percent left-eyed off the Japanese coast. Biologists call this kind of gradual variation over a certain geographic range a “cline” and interpret clines as strong indications that the variation is adaptive, a response to environmental differences. For the starry flounder this interpretation implies that a geometric difference (between fish that are mirror images of one another is
adaptive, that left-eyedness in the Japanese starry flounder has been selected for, which provokes a perplexing questions: what is the selective advantage in having both eyes on one side rather than on the other
The ease with which a fish can reverse the effect of the sidedness of its eye asymmetry simply by turning around has caused biologists to study internal anatomy, especially the optic nerves, for the answer. In all flatfish the optic nerves cross, so that the right optic nerve is joined to the brain’s left side and vice versa. This crossing introduces an asymmetry, as one optic nerve must cross above or below the other. G. H. Parker reasoned that if, for example, a flatfish’s left eye migrated when the right optic nerve was on top, there would be a twisting of nerves, which might be mechanically disadvantageous. For starry flounders, then, the left-eyed variety would be selected against, since in a starry flounder the left optic nerve is uppermost.
The problem with the above explanation is that the Japanese starry flounder population is almost exclusively left-eyed, an natural selection never promotes a purely less advantageous variation. As other explanations proved equally untenable, biologists concluded that there is no important adaptive difference between left-eyedness and right-eyedness, and that the two characteristics are genetically associated with some other adaptively significant characteristic. This situation is one commonly encountered by evolutionary biologists, who must often decide whether a characteristic is adaptive or selectively neutral. As for the left-eyed and right-eyed flatfish, their difference, however striking, appears to be an evolutionary red herring.

诸如鲆鱼（flounder）一类的比目鱼（flatfish）是属于为数不多的脊椎动物中的一类，缺乏某种大致的双边对称（symmetry，所谓对称，是指身体中线左、右两边的结构可构成绝然对应的镜像）。在一条成年比目鱼身上显著存在的诸多不对称（asymmetry）特征中，最为吸人注目的是眼睛的摆位：在成年之前，一只眼睛发生移动，因此在成年比目鱼身上，两只眼睛均位于头部的同一侧面。虽然在大多数带有不对称特征的比目鱼种类身上，几乎所有的成年比目鱼分享着相同的不对称，然则，星状鲆鱼种类的成员却既可以双眼左侧摆位（left-eyed，双眼均位于头部的左侧），亦可以是双眼右侧摆位。在美国与日本之间的水域中，星状鲆鱼种群双眼左侧摆位的比例由美国西海岸水域中的约50%，经由美国与日本中途水域中约70%，变作
生物学家将种在一定的地理范围内的逐渐变化称为“生态群”（cline），并将生态群理解为强有力的标志，表明这种差异是适应性的，是对环境的差异作出的反应。对于星状鲆鱼而言，这一解释则意味着某种几何差异（在彼此构成镜象的比目鱼之间）乃适应性的，亦即是说，日本水域中的鲆鱼身上的双眼左侧摆位是经过选择而确定下来的，这便引发一个令人困惑的问题：将双眼置于头部的一侧而不置于另一侧，其选择优势究竟是什么
比目鱼仅仅通过将其头部转动便可轻易地逆转其眼睛不对称而招致的片面效果，这种轻而易举导致生物学家去研究内部解剖，尤其是视觉神经，来觅取答案。在所有比目鱼身上，两根神经相互交叉，因此，右视觉神经与大脑的左侧相连接，而反之亦然。这种交叉引入一种不对称，由于一根视觉神经必定会在另一根神经的上面或下面交叉。.帕克（Parker）推理道：例如，设若在右视觉神经位于上部时，比目鱼的左眼进行移位，则两根神经将有可能缠绕在一起，而这在技术细节上将可能是不利的。因此，对于星状鲆鱼来说，双眼左侧摆位这一形态应通过选择而予以废弃，因为在星状鲆鱼身上，左视神经位于最上部。
上述解释的问题在于，日本水域中的星状鲆鱼种群几乎一律地双眼左侧摆位，而自然选择从不鼓励那种纯粹是相对不利的变异形式。由于其它解释均证明同样站不住脚，生物学家故而得出结论，即在双眼左侧摆位与右侧摆位之间，不存在任何重大的适应性差异，凡此两种特征在基因遗传方面与某种其它在适应性方面有重要意义的特征相关。这一情形乃进化论生物学家所经常遇见的现象，他们常常必须确定某一特征是否是适应性的，或在选择方面仅是中性的。至于双眼左侧摆位和右侧摆位的比目鱼，它们的差异，无论引人注目到何种地步，也似乎只是一种生物进化方面转移人们注意力的因素。

XDF P74（NO7-1-1-2）

Tillie Olsen’s fiction and essays have been widely and rightly acknowledged as major contributions to American literature. Her work has been particularly valued by contemporary feminists. Yet few of Olsen’s readers realize the extent to which her vision and choice of subject are rooted in an earlier literary heritage—the
tradition of radical political thought, mostly socialist and anarchist, of the 1910’s and 1920’s, and the Old Left tradition of the 1930’s. I do not mean that one can adequately explain the eloquence of her work in terms of its political origins, or that left-wing politics were the single most important influence on it. My point is that its central consciousness—its profound understanding of class and gender as shaping influences on people’s lives—owes much to that earlier literary heritage, a heritage that, in general, has not been sufficiently valued by most contemporary literary critics.

蒂莉"奥尔森（Tillie Olson）的小说及散文被广泛且当之无愧地承认为对美国文学的重大贡献。她的作品尤其受到当代女权主义者的重视。然则，在奥尔森的读者群中，几乎无人意识到她的见解和对题材的选择是在多大程度上植根于一个较为早期的文学遗产——即激进的政治思想之传统，主要是二十世纪一十年代和二十年代中的社会主义（socialist）和无政府主义（anarchist）传统，以及二十世纪三十年代的老左派（OldLeft）传统。我并非意指我们凭藉其作品的政治缘源就能充分解释其作品的力度，也不是意指左翼政治是对其作品所产生的唯一最重要的影响。我的论点是，其作品的中心意识——它将阶级和性别作为人们生活的决定性影响而作出的深邃理解——在很大程度上借鉴了那个早期的文学遗产，而这一遗产就总体而言还尚未获得大多数当代文学评论家的足够重视.

XDF P76（NO7-3-1-1）

Of Homer’s two epic poems, the Odyssey has always been more popular than the Iliad, perhaps because it includes more features of mythology that are accessible to readers. Its subject (to use Maynard Mack’s categories is “life-as-spectacle,” for readers, diverted by its various incidents, observe its hero Odysseus primarily from without; the tragic Iliad, however, presents “life-as-experience”: readers are asked to identify with the mind of Achilles, whose motivations render him a not particularly likable hero. In addition, the Iliad, more than the Odyssey, suggests the complexity of the gods’ involvement in human actions, and to the extent that modern readers find this complexity a needless complication, the Iliad is less satisfying than the Odyssey, with its simpler scheme of divine justice. Finally, since the Iliad presents a historically verifiable action, Troy’s siege, the poem raises historical questions that are absent from the Odyssey’s blithely imaginative world.

在荷马（Homer）的两首史诗中，《奥德赛》（Odyssey）一贯要比《伊利亚特》（Iliad）更受人欢迎，或许是因为它囊括了更多的神话特征，易于为读者所理解。其主题〔若借鉴梅纳德"迈克（Maynard Mack）的两个分类范畴的话〕是“人生作为外部景象”，因为读者的注意力被作品那形形色色的事件所分散，主要是从外部来观察其主人公奥德修斯（Odyssus）的；然而，富于悲剧色彩的《伊利亚特》所表现的则是“人生作为内心体验”：读者被要求与阿基琉斯（Achilles）的心灵产生共鸣，而其行为动机却致使他变作一个并非特别惹人喜爱的主人公。此外，《伊利亚特》，较之于《奥德赛》，在更大程度上暗示出神祗置身于人类行动的复杂性，而只要当代读者将这种复杂性视作一种毫无必要的节外生枝的纠葛，则《伊利亚特》就不及《奥德赛》那样，以其更为简单的神圣正义的体系而令人满意。最后，由于《伊利亚特》所描绘的是一次在历史上有案可稽的战争，即对特洛伊城的围攻，故该史诗便引发诸般历史真实性的问题，而这类问题在《奥德赛》那轻松愉快的想象力世界中则荡然无存。

XDF P77（NO7-1-1-1）

Our visual perception depends on the reception of energy reflecting or radiating from that which we wish to perceive. If our eyes could receive and measure infinitely delicate sense-data, we could perceive the world with infinite precision. The natural limits of our eyes have, of course, been extended by mechanical instruments; telescopes and microscopes, for example, expand our capabilities greatly. There is, however, an ultimate limit beyond which no instrument can take us; this limit is imposed by our inability to receive sense-data smaller than
those conveyed by an individual quantum of energy. Since these quanta are believed to be indivisible packages of energy and so cannot be further refined, we reach a point beyond which further resolution of the world is not possible. It is like a drawing a child might make by sticking indivisible discs of color onto a canvas.
We might think that we could avoid this limitation by using quanta with extremely long wavelengths; such quanta would be sufficiently sensitive to convey extremely delicate sense-data. And these quanta would be useful, as long as we only wanted to measure energy, but a completely accurate perception of the world will depend also on the exact measurement of the lengths and positions of what we wish to perceive. For this, quanta of extremely long wavelengths are useless. To measure a length accurately to within a millionth of an inch, we must have a measure graduated in millionths of an inch; a yardstick graduated in inches in useless. Quanta with a wavelength of one inch would be, in a sense, measures that are graduated in inches. Quanta of extremely long wavelength are useless in measuring anything except extremely large dimensions.
Despite these difficulties, quanta have important theoretical implications for physics. It used to be supposed that, in the observation of nature, the universe could be divided into two distinct parts, a perceiving subject and a perceived object. In physics, subject and object were supposed to be entirely distinct, so that a description of any part of the universe would be independent of the observer. The quantum theory, however, suggests otherwise, for every observation involves the passage of a complete quantum from the object to the subject, and it now appears that this passage constitutes an important coupling between observer and observed. We can no longer make a sharp division between the two in an effort to observe nature objectively. Such an attempt at objectivity would distort the crucial interrelatioship of observer and observed as parts of a single whole. But, even for scientists, it is only in the world of atoms that this new development makes any appreciable difference in the explanation of observations.

我们的视觉感知（visual perception）取决于我们能否接收到从我们所希望感知的物体所折射或辐射出来的能量。倘若我们的眼睛能接收到并测量出无穷细微的感觉资料，我们便能够以无穷的精确性来感知世界。毋庸置疑，我们眼睛与生俱有的局限借助机械工具面得以延展；例如，望远镜和显微镜已将我们的能力大大地加予拓展。然则，存在着一个极限，这是任何工具都无法帮助我们逾越的；这一限制被强加于人类，因为我们没有能力去接收到比单个的能量量子所能传递出来的感觉数据更小的感觉材料。由于这些量子据信为不可分割的能量综合体（package of energy），因而无法被进一步细分，我们便抵达一个极点，在此之后不再可能对物质世界作进一步分解。这仿佛是孩童可能制作的一幅画，通过将不可分割的色彩小圆片粘贴到画面上而将画制作出来。
我们有可能会以为，通过利用带有极长波长的量子，我们或许能避免这一局限；这样的量子将会是充分的敏感，足以传递出极为细微的感觉数据。只要我们仅想测量能量这些量子将会是有用的；然则，一种对世界绝然精确的感知，还将有赖于对我们所期望感知的物体的长度以及位置作出准确的测量。对于这一目的，极长波长的量子是毫无用处的。若想将某一物体的长度精确地予以测量，误差不超出一英寸的百万分之一，我们便必须拥有一种量具，该量具可将一英寸分成一百万份并标刻出度数来，而以英寸为单位标刻出度数的尺码是毫无用处的。带有一英寸波长的量子，在某种意义上，相等于以英寸为单位标刻出度数的量具。除了测量极大的体积以外，极长波长的量子用以测量任何事物均是毫无用处的。
虽然存在这些困难，然则，量子对于物理学而言不乏重要的理论含意。人们过去常常以为，在对自然界的观察研究中，整个宇宙可分割成为两个互不相关的部分，一个是在感知着的主体（subject），另一个是被感知的客体（object）。在物理学中，主体和客体被假定为绝然互不相关的，因此，对宇宙的任何一个部分进行描述，终将独立于观察者。然则，量子理论暗示情形恰恰相反，因为每一项观察都涉及一个完整的量子从客体到主体的过渡，而现在看来，这一过渡构成了观察者与被观察物之间的一种重要的结合。我们再也不能为了力图客观地观察自然界而在两者之间作出绝然的分割。如此追求客观性将会歪曲观察者和被观察物之间作为一个整体的两个部分这样一种殊为重要的交互联系。但是，即使对于科学家而言，也只是在原子世界中，这一新发展才会在对各种观察作出解释时产生相当的差异。

XDF P80（NO6-3-2-2）


In the early 1950’s, historians who studied preindustrial Europe (which we may define here as Europe in the period from roughly 1300 to 1800 began, for the first time in large numbers, to investigate more of the preindustrial European population than the 2 or 3 percent who comprised the political and social elite: the kings, generals, judges, nobles, bishops, and local magnates who had hitherto usually filled history books. One difficulty, however, was that few of the remaining 97 percent recorded their thoughts or had them chronicled by contemporaries. Faced with this situation, many historians based their investigations on the only records that seemed to exist: birth, marriage, and death records. As a result, much of the early work on the nonelite was aridly statistical in nature; reducing the vast majority of the population to a set of numbers was hardly more enlightening than ignoring them altogether. Historians still did not know what these people thought or felt.
One way out of this dilemma was to turn to the records of legal courts, for here the voices of the nonelite can most often be heard, as witnesses, plaintiffs, and defendants. These documents have acted as “a point of entry into the mental world of the poor.” Historians such as Le Roy Ladurie have used the documents to extract case histories, which have illuminated the attitudes of different social groups (these attitudes include, but are not confined to, attitudes toward crime and the law and have revealed how the authorities administered justice. It has been societies that have had a developed police system and practiced Roman law, with its written depositions, whose court records have yielded the most data to historians. In Anglo-Saxon countries hardly any of these benefits obtain, but it has still been possible to glean information from the study of legal documents.
The extraction of case histories is not, however, the only use to which court records may be put. Historians who study preindustrial Europe have used the records to establish a series of categories of crime and to quantify indictments that were issued over a given number of years. This use of the records does yield some information about the nonelite, but this information gives us little insight into the mental lives of the nonelite. We also know that the number of indictments in preindustrial Europe bears little relation to the number of actual criminal acts, and we strongly suspect that the relationship has varied widely over time. In addition, aggregate population estimates are very shaky, which makes it difficult for historians to compare rates of crime per thousand in one decade of the preindustrial period with rates in another decade. Given these inadequacies, it is clear why the case history use of court records is to be preferred.

二十世纪五十年代早期，研究前工业化时代欧洲（此处我们可将其界定为约自1300年至1800年这一时期的欧洲）的史学家，首次以众多的人数，开始调查前工业化时代欧洲人口中的大多数，而非那些构成了政治与社会精英阶层的百分之二或三的人口，即国王、将军、法官、贵族、主教、以及地方上的达官显贵，而正是这部分人一直到那时为止普遍充斥于史学著作。然则，一个棘手的难题是，在这余下的97%的人口中，几乎没人将其思想记录下来，或由同代人将其思想记述下来。面对这一情形，许多史学家将其研究建立在那些似乎存在的唯一记载上：出生、婚姻、及死亡记载。这样一来，大部分对非精英阶层的早期研究在性质上仅是枯燥的统计学研究；将人口中广大的平民大众缩略为一组数字，这与其说具有任何启迪作用，还不如将其彻底忽略不计。史学家依然对这些人的所思所感一无所知。
摆脱这一困境的一种方法，是将注意力转到法庭的档案记录，因为在这里非精英阶层的呼声才能最频繁地被闻见，作为证人、原告、以及被告。这些文献史料充当了一个“深入到穷人精神世界的切入口。”象勒罗伊"拉迪里（Le Roy Ladurie）一类的史学家利用这些文献史料从中挖掘出某些个案史（case history）来，阐明了不同社会群体的态度（这些态度包括，但并非局限于，对犯罪和法律的态度），并揭示出当局是如何执行审判的。只有那些拥有完备发达的警察体系，并实施罗马法——以其书面证词——的国家，其法庭记载才能为史学家提供最多的信息。在盎格鲁—撒克逊国家（Anglo-Saxon country），这类益处几乎无从获得，但通过对法庭文献的研究，仍可搜集到有用信息。然则，个案史的挖掘并非是法庭记录可资采用的唯一用途。研究前工业化时代欧洲的史学家还利用这些记录来确立一系列犯罪类型，并量化统计出在特定数量的年分中所发出的起诉书。法庭记录的这一用途确能提供一定的有关非精英阶层的信息，但这种信息几乎无法使我们洞悉非精英阶层的精神生活。我们同样也知道，前工业化时代欧洲的起诉书数量与实际犯罪行为的数量几乎无甚联系，并且我们深深地怀疑，两者间的关系亦会随着时间的推移而变化甚大。此外，合计性质的人口估计极不可靠，这就致使史学家难以将前工业时代一个十年期的千人犯罪率与另一个十年期的千人犯罪率予以比较。鉴于如许多的不足之处，法庭记录的个案史用途为何更应受到人们的青睐，这便显而易见了。




XDF P82（NO7-2-2-1）

Jean Wagner’s most enduring contribution to the study of Afro-American poetry is his insistence that it be analyzed in a religious, as well as secular, frame of reference. The appropriateness of such an approach may seem self-evident for a tradition commencing with spirituals and owing its early forms, rhythms, vocabulary, and evangelical fervor to Wesleyan hymnals. But before Wagner a secular outlook that analyzed Black poetry solely within the context of political and social protest was dominant in the field.
It is Wagner who first demonstrated the essential fusion of racial and religious feeling in Afro-American poetry. The two, he argued, form a symbiotic union in which religious feelings are often applied to racial issues and racial problems are often projected onto a metaphysical plane. Wagner found this most eloquently illustrated in the Black spiritual, where the desire for freedom in this world and the hope for salvation in the next are inextricably intertwined.

詹"瓦格纳（Jean Wagner）对美国黑人诗歌研究作出的最经久不衰的贡献是他的如下主张，即美国黑人诗歌应该被置于一个宗教的而不仅仅是世俗的参照框架中予以分析。对于美国黑人诗歌这一起源于圣歌（spiritual）并从卫斯理赞美诗集（Wesleyan hymnal）中借鉴了其早期形式、节奏、语汇、以及狂热激情的文学传统来说，这一方法的恰当性可谓是不证自明的。但在瓦格纳之前，一种将黑人诗歌仅仅置于政治以及社会抗议这一背景当中来进行分析的世俗观点在这一领域中占据了主导地位。
正是瓦格纳最早证明了种族和宗教情感在美国黑人诗歌中的有机融合。他指出，两者形成了一种共生结合，在这里，宗教的情感常常被应用于种族问题，而种族问题也常常被投射于形而上的层面。瓦格纳发现，这一点在黑人圣歌中得到了最有力的例证，而在黑人圣歌中，对现世自由的渴望以及对后世灵魂超度的希翼被不可分割地交织于一体。

XDF P84（NO6-3-2-1）

Mycorrhizal fungi infect more plants than do any other fungi and are necessary for many plants to thrive, but they have escaped widespread investigation until recently for two reasons. First, the symbiotic association is so well-balanced that the roots of host plants show no damage even when densely infected. Second, the fungi cannot as yet be cultivated in the absence of a living root. Despite these difficulties, there has been important new work that suggests that this symbiotic association can be harnessed to achieve more economical use of costly superphosphate fertilizer and to permit better exploitation of cheaper, less soluble rock phosphate. Mycorrhizal benefits are not limited to improved phosphate uptake in host plants. In legumes, mycorrhizal inoculation has increased nitrogen fixation beyond levels achieved by adding phosphate fertilizer alone. Certain symbiotic associations also increase the host plant’s resistance to harmful root fungi. Whether this resistance results from exclusion of harmful fungi through competition for sites, from metabolic change involving antibiotic production, or from increased vigor is undetermined.

菌根真菌（mycorrhizal fungi）比诸于其它任何真菌会感染到更多的植物，并且对于许多植物的茂盛生长显得不可或缺；然而，它们直到最近为止由于两个缘由而没能得到广泛的研究。首先，共生联系（symbiotic association）是平衡得如此之好，以致于寄主植物（host plant）的根部即使在遭到密集感染的情况下亦不会显示出任何受损害的迹象。其次，这种真菌迄今为止尚无法在缺乏有生命的植物根茎的情况下被培养出来。尽管存在这些困难，科学家已完成了重要的全新研究，表明这种共生联系可被利用起来，对昂贵的过磷酸钙化肥可获得更为经济的用途，并允许人们更好地利用较为廉价、不那么易于溶解的岩磷酸钙化肥。菌根的益处并非局限于寄主植物身上业已提高的磷酸肥吸收量。在豆科植物（legume）上，菌根的移入土壤提高了固氮率，其效果要超过单靠增施磷酸化肥所能取得的固氮水准。某些共生联系还能增强寄生植物对有害的根部真菌的抵抗力。这种抵抗力是否源自通过场所竞争对有害真菌的驱逐，是否源自那种涉及抗
菌素产生的新陈代谢变化，或是否源自植物活力的提高，这些尚不得而知。

XDF P85（NO7-2-2-2）

Two relatively recent independent developments stand behind the current major research effort on nitrogen fixation, the process by which bacteria symbiotically render leguminous plants independent of nitrogen fertilizer. The one development has been the rapid, sustained increase in the price of nitrogen fertilizer. The other development has been the rapid growth of knowledge of and technical sophistication in genetic engineering. Fertilizer prices, largely tied to the price of natural gas, huge amounts of which go into the manufacture of fertilizer, will continue to represent an enormous and escalating economic burden on modern agriculture, spurring the search for alternatives to synthetic fertilizers. And genetic engineering is just the sort of fundamental breakthrough that opens up prospects of wholly novel alternatives. One such novel idea is that of inserting into the chromosomes of plants discrete genes that are not a part of the plants’ natural constitution: specifically, the idea of inserting into nonleguminous plants the genes, if they can be identified and isolated, that fit the leguminous plants to be hosts for nitrogen-fixing bacteria. Hence, the intensified research on legumes.
Nitrogen fixation is a process in which certain bacteria use atmospheric nitrogen gas, which green plants cannot directly utilize, to produce ammonia, a nitrogen compound plants can use. It is one of nature’s great ironies that the availability of nitrogen in the soil frequently sets an upper limit on plant growth even though the plants’ leaves are bathed in a sea of nitrogen gas. The leguminous plants—among them crop plants such as soybeans, peas, alfalfa, and clover—have solved the nitrogen supply problem by entering into a symbiotic relationship with the bacterial genus Rhizobium; as a matter of fact, there is a specific strain of Rhizobium for each species of legume. The host plant supplies the bacteria with food and a protected habitat and receives surplus ammonia in exchange. Hence, legumes can thrive in nitrogen-depleted soil.
Unfortunately, most of the major food crops—including maize, wheat, rice, and potatoes—cannot. On the contrary, many of the high-yielding hybrid varieties of these food crops bred during the Green Revolution of the 1960’s were selected specifically to give high yields in response to generous applications of nitrogen fertilizer. This poses an additional, formidable challenge to plant geneticists: they must work on enhancing fixation within the existing symbioses. Unless they succeed, the yield gains of the Green Revolution will be largely lost even if the genes in legumes that equip those plants to enter into a symbiosis with nitrogen fixers are identified and isolated, and even if the transfer of those gene complexes, once they are found, becomes possible. The overall task looks forbidding, but the stakes are too high not to undertake it.

两项相对近期且互为独立的事态发展激励了研究者目前对固氮作用（nitrogenfixation）进行重大的研究努力，而所谓固氮作用，是指细菌通过这一过程，以共生关系的手段，致使豆科植物独立于氮肥。一项事态发展是氮肥的价格急剧而又持续不断的上涨。另一项事态的发展是在遗传工程领域中知识和技术精密性飞越增长。化肥的价格在很大程度上与天然气的价格相关，而在制造化肥的过程中须消耗大量的天然气，故化肥价格将会继续对现代农业构成一种巨额的不断升级的经济负担，从而刺激人们去寻找合成化肥的替代手段。而遗传工程恰好就是那种具有根本意义的科技突破，展现出全新替代手段的诸般前景。这其中的一个新颖思想就是，在植物的染色体（chromosome）内注入并非是该植物自然构造一个部分的那些不相关联的因基：具体而言，这一思想是，在非豆科植物内注入这样一些基因，倘若这些基因可被辨识出来并被分离开来，而这些基因业已使豆科植物宜于充当那些具备固氮作用的细菌的寄主。由此，对豆科植物的研究日趋深入。
固氮作用即是这样一个过程：某些细菌利用绿色植物无法直接利用的氮气（nitrogen）制造出氨（ammonia），一种植物可利用的氮化合物。下述情形真可谓是自然界的一个莫大讽刺：土壤中所能获得的氮肥量往往对植物的生长构成了一个上限，虽然植物的叶子被沐浴在一片氮气的海洋中。豆科植物——它们中包括诸如大豆、豌豆、苜蓿、以及翘摇等作物——通过进入到与根瘤菌（Rhizobium）这种细菌种类的共生关系中，从而业已解决了氮把的供应问题；事实上，对于每一种豆科植物而言，均存在着一种特定的根瘤菌。寄主植物为细菌提供食物以及一个有充分保护的栖息处，而作为交换条件，将剩余的氨接收过来。
这样，豆科植物在氮肥缺失的（nitrogen-depleted）土壤中仍能茂盛生长。
不幸的是，绝大多数主要粮食作物——包括玉米、小麦、水稻、以及土豆——却无法解决这一问题。相反，二十世纪六十年代绿色革命（Green Revolution）期间所培育出来的这些粮食作物的许多高产量的杂交品种之所以被择取，其目的专门是为了针对大量施用氮肥而产生高产量的。这就对植物遗传学家构成了一个额外的、艰巨的挑战：他们必须在现存的共生关系范围内来研究如何提高固氮率。除非他们能取得成功，不然的话，绿色革命的产量收益将在很大程度上损失殆尽，即使豆科植物中使这些植物有条件进入到与固氮细菌共生关系的基因可被辨识出来和分离开来的话，且即使这些基因综合体（gene complex），一旦被发现之后，其移植得以成为可能的话。整项任务看上去令人望而生畏，但赌注是如此之高，以致于不能不从事此项研究。

XDF P89（NO7-3-2-2）

The first mention of slavery in the statutes of the English colonies of North America does not occur until after 1660—some forty years after the importation of the first Black people. Lest we think that slavery existed in fact before it did in law, Oscar and Mary Handlin assure us that the status of Black people down to the 1660’s was that of servants. A critique of the Handlins’ interpretation of why legal slavery did not appear until the 1660’s suggests that assumptions about the relation between slavery and racial prejudice should be reexamined, and that explanations for the different treatment of Black slaves in North and South America should be expanded.
The Handlins explain the appearance of legal slavery by arguing that, during the 1660’s, the position of White servants was improving relative to that of Black servants. Thus, the Handlins contend, Black and White servants, heretofore treated alike, each attained a different status. There are, however, important objections to this argument. First, the Handlins cannot adequately demonstrate that the White servant’s position was improving during and after the 1660’s; several acts of the Maryland and Virginia legislatures indicate otherwise. Another flaw in the Handlins’ interpretation is their assumption that prior to the establishment of legal slavery there was no discrimination against Black people. It is true that before the 1660’s Black people were rarely called slaves. But this should not overshadow evidence from the 1630’s on that points to racial discrimination without using the term slavery. Such discrimination sometimes stopped short of lifetime servitude or inherited status—the two attributes of true slavery—yet in other cases it included both. The Handlins’ argument excludes the real possibility that Black people in the English colonies were never treated as the equals of White people.
This possibility has important ramifications. If from the outset Black people were discriminated against, then legal slavery should be viewed as a reflection and an extension of racial prejudice rather than, as many historians including the Handlins have argued, the cause of prejudice. In addition, the existence of discrimination before the advent of legal slavery offers a further explanation for the harsher treatment of Black slaves in North than in South America. Freyre and Tannenbaum have rightly argued that the lack of certain traditions in North America—such as a Roman conception of slavery and a Roman Catholic emphasis on equality—explains why the treatment of Black slaves was more severe there than in the Spanish and Portuguese colonies of South America. But this cannot be the whole explanation since it is merely negative, based only on a lack of something. A more compelling explanation is that the early and sometimes extreme racial discrimination in the English colonies helped determine the particular nature of the slavery that followed.

在北美英国殖民地的法规中，只有在1660年之后才首次对奴隶制度有所提及——亦即第一批黑人被输入到美洲后约四十年。唯恐我们认为奴隶制度事实上的存在先于其法律上的存在，奥斯卡和玛丽"汉德林（Oscar and Mary Hadlin）意欲使我们相信，直到十七世纪六十年代为止，黑人的地位是充当佣人。针对汉德林夫妇有关法律上的奴隶制度何以在十七世纪六十年代才告出现这一解释所作的一项批判表明，有关奴隶制度和种族偏见之间的关系的各种假设应重新予以剖析，并且，有关黑人奴隶在北美洲和南美洲所遭受的不同待遇的解释应予扩充。
在解释法律上的奴隶制度何以会出现时，汉德林夫妇辩解道：十七世纪六十年代期间，白人佣人的地位相对于黑人佣人的地位不断上升。这样一来，汉德林夫妇论辩说，对于在此之间待遇相当的黑人佣人和
白人佣人来说，每一种人获得了一种不同的地位。然则，对于汉德林夫妇的这一论点可提出一些至为重要的异议。首先，汉德林夫妇无法充分证明白人佣人的地位在十七世纪六十年代期间和之后有任何的改善。马里兰州和弗吉尼亚州的立法机构所颁布的几项法案表明情况恰恰相反。汉德林夫妇解释中的另一缺陷是，他们认为在法律上的奴隶制度确立之前，对黑人不存在丝毫歧视。诚然，十七世纪六十代之前，黑人是绝少被称为奴隶的，但这一点不应该掩盖自十六世纪三十代年起就存在的证据，所有这些证据均可证明种族歧视的存在，虽然不曾使用“奴隶制”这一术语。这种歧视有时差一点达到终身奴役或世袭地位——奴隶制度真正存在的两大特征——然而，在其它情形中，这种歧视却二者兼而有之。汉德林夫妇的论点疏漏了这样一种真正的可能性，即英国殖民地的黑人从不曾获得过与白人平待的待遇。
这一可能性具有相当重要的附带影响。假若从一开始起黑人就遭到歧视，那么，法律上的奴隶制度应被视作种族歧视的一种反应和延伸，而不应象包括汉德林夫妇在内的许多史学家所指出的那样，被视作种族偏见的起因。此外，法律上奴隶制度出现之前业已存在的种族歧视可进一步解释黑人奴隶在北美洲的待遇何以会比南美洲黑人奴隶的待遇要来得更为严酷。弗雷耶尔（Freyre）和坦纳博姆（Tannenbaum）不无道理地指出，北美洲某些传统的缺失——诸如古罗马有关奴隶制度的观念以及罗马天主教对于平等的强调——可以说明黑人奴隶在那里的待遇何以要比在南美洲西班牙和葡萄牙殖民地的黑人奴隶的待遇更为苛刻。但这并不能构成一种完整的解释，因为它仅仅是从反面进行的，以某些事物的缺乏为其依据。一种更令人信服的解释是，英国殖民地早已存在的并且在某些情况下甚为极端的种族歧视决定了随之而来的奴隶制度的那种特殊性质。

XDF P92（NO7-1-2-1）

Currently, the paramount problem in the field of biomaterials, the science of replacing diseased tissue with human-made implants, is control over the interface, or surface, between implanted biomaterials and living tissues. The physical properties of most tissues can be matched by careful selection of raw materials: metals, ceramics, or several varieties of polymer materials. Even the requirement that biomaterials processed from these materials be nontoxic to host tissue can be met by techniques derived from studying the reactions of tissue cultures to biomaterials or from short-term implants. But achieving necessary matches in physical properties across interfaces between living and non-living matter requires knowledge of which molecules control the bonding of cells to each other—an area that we have not yet explored thoroughly. Although recent research has allowed us to stabilize the tissue-biomaterial interface by controlling either the chemical reactions or the microstructure of the biomaterial, our fundamental understanding of how implant devices adhere to tissues remains woefully incomplete.

目前，在生物材料（biomaterial）领域——即一门用人造移植物（implant）替代病变组织的科学——中，最重要的问题是对被移植的生物材料与原生组织之间的界面（interface）或表面进行控制。绝大多数组织的生理特性可以通过仔细选择原材料而得以匹配：金属、陶瓷、或几个类别的聚合物材料。即使是这样一个要求——即从这些材料中加工制造出来的生物材料必须是对受植者的组织无毒的——亦可通过某些技术而得到满足，这些技术来自于研究组织培养（tissue culture）对生物材料作出的反应，还来自短期移植物。但是，要想沿着原生和非原生物质之间的界面获取生理特性的必要匹配，需要某种知识，即什么样的分子控制着细胞彼此间的结合——而对这一领域，我们尚未进行充分的探索。虽然近期的研究允许我们通过控制生物材料的化学反应或微观结构（microstructure）从而稳定住组织—生物材料之间的界面，然则，有关移植物制品是如何与组织黏合在一起的，我们的基本理解依然是甚为可悲地不完整。

XDF P94（NO7-1-2-2 ）

Islamic law is a particularly instructive example of “sacred law.” Islamic law is a phenomenon so different from all other forms of law—notwithstanding, of course, a considerable and inevitable number of coincidences
with one or the other of them as far as subject matter and positive enactments are concerned—that its study is indispensable in order to appreciate adequately the full range of possible legal phenomena. Even the two other representatives of sacred law that are historically and geographically nearest to it, Jewish law and Roman Catholic canon law, are perceptibly different.
Both Jewish law and canon law are more uniform than Islamic law. Though historically there is a discernible break between Jewish law of the sovereign state of ancient Israel and of the Diaspora (the dispersion of Jewish people after the conquest of Israel, the spirit of the legal matter in later parts of the Old Testament is very close to that of the Talmud, one of the primary codifications of Jewish law in the Diaspora. Islam, on the other hand, represented a radical breakaway from the Arab paganism that preceded it; Islamic law is the result of an examination, from a religious angle, of legal subject matter that was far from uniform, comprising as it did the various components of the laws of pre-Islamic Arabia and numerous legal elements taken over from the non-Arab peoples of the conquered territories. All this was unified by being subjected to the same kind of religious scrutiny, the impact of which varied greatly, being almost nonexistent in some fields, and in others originating novel institutions. This central duality of legal subject matter and religious norm is additional to the variety of legal, ethical, and ritual rules that is typical of sacred law.
In its relation to the secular state, Islamic law differed from both Jewish and canon law. Jewish law was buttressed by the cohesion of the community, reinforced by pressure from outside; its rules are the direct expression of this feeling of cohesion, tending toward the accommodation of dissent. Canon and Islamic aw, on the contrary, were dominated by the dualism of religion and state, where the state was not, in contrast with Judaism, an alien power but the political expression of the same religion. But the conflict between state and religion took different forms; in Christianity it appeared as the struggle for political power on the part of a tightly organized ecclesiastical hierarchy, and canon law was one of its political weapons. Islamic law, on the other hand, was never supported by an organized institution; consequently, there never developed an overt trial of strength. There merely existed discordance between application of the sacred law and many of the regulations framed by Islamic states; this antagonism varied according to place and time.

伊斯兰法（Islamic）是有关“宗教法”（sacred law）的一个特别具有启迪意义的实例。伊斯兰法是一种如此不同于所有其它法律形式的现象——毋庸置疑，尽管就其主要内容和有积极意义的法规而言，与其它法律形式中的这种或那种形式存在着相当数量的且不可避免的巧合相似之处——以致于对它进行研究便显得不可或缺，以便充分理解有可能存在的法律现象的全部范围。即使是犹太教法（Jewish law）和罗马天主教教规法（Roman Catholic canon law）这两个在历史和地理方面与它最近似的宗教法的典型代表，也是令人感觉到迥然有别。
无论是犹太教法还是教规法，都要比伊斯兰法更具统一性。尽管从历史角度来看，在古代以色列作为独立主权国家的犹太教法与大流散时期（Diaspora，即以色列被征服后古代犹太人被巴比伦人逐出故土）的犹太教法之间存在着一个明晰可辨的断裂，然则，《旧约全书》（Old Testament）后半部分中法律内容的精神与《犹太教法典》（Talmud）极为一脉相承，而所谓的《犹太教法典》，是指大流散时期犹太教法的主要典籍辑录之一。另一方面，伊斯兰教则代表着与此前存在的阿拉伯异教（Arab paganism）的一种根本上的决裂；伊斯兰法是从宗教的角度，对各种杂乱无章、绝无共同点的法律内容进行考察所致的结果，而这些法律内容实际上是由前伊斯兰阿拉伯国家（Pre-Islamic Arabia）法律的不尽相同的组成部分以及由从被征服的土地上非阿拉伯民族借鉴过来的无数法律因素所构成。所有这一切通过接受同样一种宗教审查而得以统一起来，而这种审查的影响差异甚大，在有些领域中几乎毫不存在，而在其它领域中则创立起全新的建制。这种由法律内容和宗教标准构成的至关重要的双重性，相对于那种由法律的、伦理的、以及宗教仪式的规定所构成的宗教法的典型形态而言是额外的。
在其与世俗国家的关系上，伊斯兰法亦有别于犹太教法和教规法。犹太教法为社会凝聚力所支持，由于来自外界的压力而得以强化；其法规是这种凝聚力情感的直接表现，倾向于对意见分歧能兼容并蓄。相反，教规法和伊斯兰法则受到宗教与国家二元性的主宰，这与犹太教（Judaism）构成一种对比，这里，国家并不是一种外部势力，而是同一种宗教在政治上的表达。然则，国家和宗教之间的冲突呈现出不同的形态；在基督教（Christianity）中，它表现为由一个组织严密的教会统治集团对政治权力的争夺，而教规法则成为其政治武器之一。另一方面，伊斯兰法却从未得到过一个有组织的机构的支持。因此，从不曾形成过任何一次公开的力的较量（trial of strength）。只是在宗教法的实施以及由伊斯兰国家制定的诸多法规之
间存在着某些不协调；而这种矛盾依照地点和时间亦有所不同。

XDF P97（NO7-3-2-1）

If a supernova (the explosion of a massive star triggered star formation from dense clouds of gas and dust, and if the most massive star to be formed from the cloud evolved into a supernova and triggered a new round of star formation, and so on, then a chain of star-forming regions would result. If many such chains were created in a differentially rotating galaxy, the distribution of stars would resemble the observed distribution in a spiral galaxy.
This line of reasoning underlies an exciting new theory of spiral-galaxy structure. A computer simulation based on this theory has reproduced the appearance of many spiral galaxies without assuming an underlying density wave, the hallmark (a distinguishing characteristic, trait, or feature “the dramatic flourishes which are the hallmark of the trial lawyer Marion K. Sanders” of the most widely accepted theory of the large-scale structure of spiral galaxies. That theory maintains that a density wave of spiral form sweeps through the central plane of a galaxy, compressing clouds of gas and dust, which collapse into stars that form a spiral pattern.

倘若一颗超新星（supernova，即一颗质量庞大的星星的爆炸）触发星星从稠密的气体和尘埃云中形成，且倘若从云层中形成的质量最庞大的星星演变成一颗超新星并触发新的一轮星星形成过程，如此循环下去的话，那么，一系列能形成星星的区域便告产生。倘若许多这样的系列在一个以不同的方式旋转着的星系中得以形成的话，那以，星星的分布将类似于所观察到的螺旋形星系（spiral galaxy）内的星星分布。这一推理思路构成了一种激动人心的有关螺旋形星系结构的新理论的基础。建立在这一理论基础上的一种计算机模拟研究再现了许多螺旋形星系的外观，在此过程中并不假设一基本密度波（density wave）的存在，而所谓的密度波则是那种最广为人们接受的有关大规模螺旋形星结构理论的标志特征。那种理论坚持认为，螺旋形状的密度波贯穿星系的中央层面，将气体和尘埃的云层压缩，这些云层则坍缩为一颗颗星星，形成一螺旋状结构。

XDF P99（NO8-1-1-2 ）

Many literary detectives have pored over a great puzzle concerning the writer Marcel Proust: what happened in 1909 How did Contre Saint-Beuve, an essay attacking the methods of the critic Saint Beuve, turn into the start of the novel Remembrance of Things Past A recently published letter from Proust to the editor Vallette confirms that Fallois, the editor of the 1954 edition of Contre Saint-Beuve, made an essentially correct guess about the relationship of the essay to the novel. Fallois proposed that Proust had tried to begin a novel in 1908, abandoned it for what was to be a long demonstration of Saint-Beuve’s blindness to the real nature of great writing, found the essay giving rise to personal memories and fictional developments, and allowed these to take over in a steadily developing novel.
Draft passages in Proust’s 1909 notebooks indicate that the transition from essay to novel began in Contre Saint-Beuve, when Proust introduced several examples to show the powerful influence that involuntary memory exerts over the creative imagination. In effect, in trying to demonstrate that the imagination is more profound and less submissive to the intellect than Saint-Beuve assumed, Proust elicited vital memories of his own and, finding subtle connections between them, began to amass the material for Remembrance. By August, Proust was writing to Vallette, informing him of his intention to develop the material as a novel. Maurice Bardeche, in Marcel Proust, romancier, has shown the importance in the drafts of Remembrance of spontaneous and apparently random associations of Proust’s subconscious. As incidents and reflections occurred to Proust, he continually inserted new passages altering and expanding his narrative. But he found it difficult to control the drift of his inspiration. The very richness and complexity of the meaningful relationships that kept presenting and
rearranging themselves on all levels, from abstract intelligence to profound dreamy feelings, made it difficult for Proust to set them out (to state, describe, or recite at length “distributed copies of a pamphlet setting out his ideas in full S. F. Mason” coherently. The beginning of control came when he saw how to connect the beginning and the end of his novel.
Intrigued by Proust’s claim that he had “begun and finished” Remembrance at the same time, Henri Bonnet discovered that parts of Remembrance’s last book were actually started in 1909. Already in that year, Proust had drafted descriptions of his novel’s characters in their old age that would appear in the final book of Remembrance, where the permanence of art is set against the ravages of time. The letter to Vallette, drafts of the essay and novel, and Bonnet’s researches establish in broad outline the process by which Proust generated his novel out of the ruins of his essay. But those of us who hoped, with Kolb, that Kolb’s newly published complete edition of Proust’s correspondence for 1909 would document the process in greater detail are disappointed. For until Proust was confident that he was at last in sight of a viable structure for Remembrance, he told few correspondents that he was producing anything more ambitious than Contre Saint-Beuve.

许多文学考据家绞尽脑汁地思考着一个涉及马塞尔"普鲁斯特（Marcel Proust）这位作家的一个巨大的不解之谜：1909年究竟发生了什么《驳圣伯夫》（Contre Saint-Beuve）一文——一篇抨击批评家圣伯夫批评方法的论文——是如何转变成为小说《追忆似水年华》（Remembrance of Things Past）的开端一封近期出版的由普鲁斯特致编辑瓦莱特（Vallette）的信函证实了法卢瓦（Fallois），这位《驳圣伯夫》1954年版的编辑，就论文与小说之间的关系作出了一种本质上正确的猜测。法卢瓦提出，普鲁斯特曾试图于1908年开始写一部小说，后又因为某一原因——即圣伯夫长期以来所展现出的对伟大文学作品真正本质的盲目无知——而放弃了它，发现该率文引发了某些个回忆和小说虚构情节的发展，最终让这些内容以一部稳定发展的小说这一形式取而代之。
普鲁斯特1909年笔记本中的草稿段落表明，由论文向小说的转折始于《驳圣伯夫》一文，当时，普鲁斯特援引了一些实例用以例证不由自主的记忆对创作想象力所产生的强有力的影响。事实上，为了试图证明想象力要比圣伯夫所假设的来得更为深刻，且并非那么易于屈服于理性，普鲁斯特引发了他自己的至关重要的记忆，发现它们之间不无微妙的联系，便开始为《似水年华》收集材料。至八月，普鲁斯特致函给瓦莱特，告知瓦莱特，他意欲将所收集到的材料扩充成为一部小说。莫里斯" 巴代什（MauriceBardeche）在《马塞尔"普鲁斯特——小说家》（Marcel Proust，romancier）中，证明了在《似水年华》草稿中普鲁斯特的潜意识那些自发的且看若不规则的联结的重要性。随着各种事件和思绪发生在普鲁斯特身上，他连续不断地将新的段落插入进去，改变并扩展其叙事结构。但他发现难以控制其灵感的飘忽不定。各种有意义的联系在所有的层次上，自抽象的理性至深刻的梦幻般的情感，层出不穷并不断重新组合排列；正是这些有意义的联系的丰富性和复杂性，致使普鲁斯特难于将它们错落有致地安排好。只有当他明白如何将其小说的开头和结尾联系起来，才开始有了某种控制感。
普鲁斯特声称，他是在同一时候“开始并结束”了《追忆似水年华》。在这一断言的吸引下，亨利"博内（Henri Bonnet）揭示出，小说最后一卷的某些章节确实始于1909年。早在那一年，普鲁斯特早已草拟好了对那些年近迟暮的人物的描绘，这些人物则会出现在《追忆似水年华》的最后一卷中，而在该卷中，艺术之永恒被用以抗衡时间的蹂躏。致瓦莱特的信函，论文与小说的草稿，以及博内的研究，以一种宽泛的轮廊勾勒出了普鲁斯特的创作过程，揭示出他是如何从其论文的废墟上创作出其小说的。但我们当中的某些人，与科尔布（Kolb）一起，期望科尔布新近出版的普鲁斯特1909年通信全集能够更为详尽地记载这一过程，结果是大失所望。这是因为，只有普鲁斯特信心十足地觉得他已最终为《追忆似水年华》寻找到一个可行的结构之后，他才开始告知与其保持书信往来的人，说他正在创作一部比《驳圣伯夫》更为雄心勃勃的作品。

XDF P102（NO8-3-1-2）

Throughout human history there have been many stringent taboos concerning watching other people eat or eating in the presence of others. There have been attempts to explain these taboos in terms of inappropriate social relationships either between those who are involved and those who are not simultaneously involved in the
satisfaction of a bodily need, or between those already satiated and those who appear to be shamelessly gorging. Undoubtedly such elements exist in the taboos, but there is an additional element with a much more fundamental importance. In prehistoric times, when food was so precious and the on-lookers so hungry, not to offer half of the little food one had was unthinkable, since every glance was a plea for life. Further, during those times, people existed in nuclear or extended family groups, and the sharing of food was quite literally supporting one’s family or, by extension, preserving one’s self.

在整个人类历史进程中，有关观瞻他人进食或当着他们的面进食，存在诸多严厉的禁忌。人们试图对这些禁忌作出解释，所依据的要么是那些正置身于某一身体需要满足的人与那些并置身于某一身体需要之满足的人之间的，要么是那些早已酒足饭饱的人与那些正在不知羞耻地狼吞虎咽失之间的不相称的社会关系。毋庸置疑，这样的因素存在于这些禁忌中，但另一个因素具有远为根本的重要性。在史前时代，当食物是如此之珍贵，又旁观者又是如此之饥饿时，不将自己所拥有的少得可怜的食物的一半奉献出来是绝难想象的，因为投过来的每一瞥眼神均是一次生命的乞求。进而言之，在这些时期，人们生存在核心家庭或大家庭宗族内，因此分享食物实实在在地说可谓是在维系自己的家庭，或从广义上而言，是在保存自我。

XDF P104（NO8-3-1-1）

(This passage is excerpted from an article that was published in 1981.
The deep sea typically has a sparse fauna dominated by tiny worms and crustaceans, with an even sparser distribution of larger animals. However, near hydrothermal vents, areas of the ocean where warm water emerges from subterranean sources, live remarkable densities of huge clams, blind crabs, and fish.
Most deep-sea faunas rely for food on particulate matter, ultimately derived from photosynthesis, falling from above. The food supplies necessary to sustain the large vent communities, however, must be many times the ordinary fallout. The first reports describing vent faunas proposed two possible sources of nutrition: bacterial chemosynthesis, production of food by bacteria using energy derived from chemical changes, and advection, the drifting of food materials from surrounding regions. Later, evidence in support of the idea of intense local chemosynthesis was accumulated: hydrogen sulfide was found in vent water; many vent-site bacteria were found to be capable of chemosynthesis; and extremely large concentrations of bacteria were found in samples of vent water thought to be pure. This final observation seemed decisive. If such astonishing concentrations of bacteria were typical of vent outflow, then food within the vent would dwarf any contribution from advection. Hence, the widely quoted conclusion was reached that bacterial chemosynthesis provides the foundation for hydrothermal-vent food chains—an exciting prospect because no other communities on Earth are independent of photosynthesis.
There are, however, certain difficulties with this interpretation. For example, some of the large sedentary organisms associated with vents are also found at ordinary deep-sea temperatures many meters from the nearest hydrothermal sources. This suggests that bacterial chemosynthesis is not a sufficient source of nutrition for these creatures. Another difficulty is that similarly dense populations of large deep-sea animals have been found in the proximity of “smokers”—vents where water emerges at temperatures up to 350℃. No bacteria can survive such heat, and no bacteria were found there. Unless smokers are consistently located near more hospitable warm-water vents, chemosynthesis can account for only a fraction of the vent faunas. It is conceivable, however, that these large, sedentary organisms do in fact feed on bacteria that grow in warm-water vents, rise in the vent water, and then rain in peripheral areas to nourish animals living some distance from the warm-water vents.
Nonetheless advection is a more likely alternative food source. Research has demonstrated that advective flow, which originates near the surface of the ocean where suspended particulate matter accumulates, transports some of that matter and water to the vents. Estimates suggest that for every cubic meter of vent discharge, 350 milligrams of particulate organic material would be advected into the vent area. Thus, for an average-sized vent, advection could provide more than 30 kilograms of potential food per day. In addition, it is likely that small live animals in the advected water might be killed or stunned by thermal and/or chemical shock, thereby contributing to the food supply of vents.


普遍而言，深海中分布着一个甚为稀少的动物群（fauna），以小虫和甲壳纲动物（crustacean）为主，较大动物的分布则更为稀少。然而，在热液排放口（hydrothermal vent）附近，即海洋中热水从地下来源涌出的区域，却生存着极为密集的巨形蛤蜊，瞎眼蟹和鱼类。
大多数深海动物群依赖从上面掉落下来的微粒物质（particulate matter）以获取食物，而这些微粒物质最终来源于光合作用（photosynthesis）。但是，用以供养规模庞大的热液口动物群落（vent community）所必须的食物供给必须是一般坠食量（fallout）的许多倍。描绘热液口动物群的最初报告提出了两种有可能的营养物来源：细菌化学合成（bacterial chemosynthesis），即细菌利用来自化学反应的能量制造食物，以及平流（advection），即食物材料从邻近区域漂逐而至。后来，支持强烈局部化学合成这一思想的证据渐趋积累起来：在热液口的水中发现了硫化氢（hydrogen sulfide）；许多热液口场址的细菌被发现具有化学合成的能力；此外，在那些曾被认为纯净无物的热液口水样中，发现了大量极为密集的细菌。最后这一项观察似乎具在决定性意义。假如如此令人吃惊的细菌密集可典型地代表热液口溢出物（outflow）的话，那以，热液口内的食物将致使来自平流的任何食物贡献显得微不足道。因此，一个广被援引的结论使告得出，即细菌化学合成给热液口的食物链提供了基础——这不啻是一个令人兴奋的前景，因为地球上没有任何其他动物群落可独立于光合作用。
但是，这一解释不乏某些疑难之处。例如，与热液口相关的某些庞大静栖生物体在深涨常温条件下也在离最近的热液源好几米处被发现。这表明细菌化学合成对这些生物体而言不足以构成一种充分的营养物来源。另一点疑难是，同样密集的庞大深海动物种群在“冒烟口”附近被发现——所谓“冒烟口”，是指水以高达350℃的温度涌出的那些热液口。没有任何细菌可经受如此的热量而存活下来，在那里也从未发现任何细菌。除非“冒烟口”始终位于更为适宜的热液口附近，不然的话，化学合成仅能解释热液口动物群中的一小部分。但可以想象的是，这些庞大的、静栖的生物体事实上确实以细菌为生，这些细菌在热液口内生长，随热液口的水升涌，然后洒落到周边区域，为生存在离热液口一定距离的动物提供营养物。
尽管如此，平流是一种更有可能的可供替代的一种食物源。研究证明，平流——形成于悬浮的微粒物质积聚的海面附近——会将那些物质和水的一部分输送以热液口。估算表明，对于每立方米的热液口释放物而言，350毫克的微粒有机物将通过平流来到热液口区域。因此，对于每个中等规模的热液口来说，平流每天可提供30公斤以上的潜在食物。此外，有可能的是，平流的水中活着的小动物有可能被热休克和（或）化学休克弄死或致晕，从而进一步增加了热液口的食物供给。

XDF P106（NO8-1-1-1）

Geologists have long known that the Earth’s mantle is heterogeneous, but its spatial arrangement remains unresolved—is the mantle essentially layered or irregularly heterogeneous The best evidence for the layered mantle thesis is the well-established fact that volcanic rocks found on oceanic islands, islands believed to result from mantle plumes arising from the lower mantle, are composed of material fundamentally different from that of the midocean ridge system, whose source, most geologists contend, is the upper mantle.
Some geologists, however, on the basis of observations concerning mantle xenoliths, argue that the mantle is not layered, but that heterogeneity is created by fluids rich in “incompatible elements” (elements tending toward liquid rather than solid state percolating upward and transforming portions of the upper mantle irregularly, according to the vagaries of the fluids’ pathways. We believe, perhaps unimaginatively, that this debate can be resolved through further study, and that the underexplored midocean ridge system is the key.

地质学家长期以来已知，地球的地幔（mantle）是异质构成的，而其空间构成则一直悬而未决——究竟地幔本质上是分层排列的呢，抑或是以不规则的方式异质构成的呢对于地幔分层论点来说，最好的证据乃这样一个确认的事实，即在那些海洋岛屿——这些岛屿据信是源于由下层地幔升上来的地幔柱状溶岩流（mantle plume）——上发现的火山岩石，是由与海洋中部山脊系统的物质根本不同的物质构成的，而这一海洋中部山脊系统的成因，大多数地质学家论辩道，为上部地幔。
但是，某些地质学家，以对地幔捕虏岩体（xenolith）所作的观察为依据，指出地幔并非是分层排列的，相反，地幔的异质性是由那些富含“不相容成分”的流质构成的，这些成分趋向于流体而非固体的状态，自
下而上渗透扩散，并依照这些流质流向的任意性，不规则地将上部地幔的某些部分予以改变。我们相信——或许这样做有失想象力——这一争论可通过进一步的研究而得以解决，而尚未充分探索的海洋中部山脊系统乃关键所在。

XDF P109（NO8-2-1-2）

Echolocating bats emit sounds in patterns—characteristic of each species—that contain both frequency-modulated (FM and constant-frequency (CF signals. The broadband FM signals and the narrowband CF signals travel out to a target, reflect from it, and return to the hunting bat. In this process of transmission and reflection, the sounds are changed, and the changes in the echoes enable the bat to perceive features of the target.
The FM signals report information about target characteristics that modify the timing and the fine frequency structure, or spectrum, of echoes—for example, the target’s size, shape, texture, surface structure, and direction in space. Because of their narrow bandwidth, CF signals portray only the target’s presence and, in the case of some bat species, its motion relative to the bat’s. Responding to changes in the CF echo’s frequency, bats of some species correct in flight for the direction and velocity of their moving prey.

具有回声定位机能的蝙蝠以特定的模式发出声音——为每一种蝙蝠所独有——这些声音包含调频（FM,frequency-modulated）信号和恒频（CF,constant-frequency）信号。宽频带的调频信号和窄频带的恒频信号发射至目标物，由目标物反射，回复到正在觅食的蝙蝠。在发射与反射这一过程中，声音受到改变，而回声中的变化致使蝙蝠得以察觉出目标物的特征。
调频信号所报告的是有关目标物特征的信息，这些特征修改回声的时间控制（timing）以及回声的精细频率结构，或射频频谱——例如，目标物的大小，形状，质地，表层结构，以及空间方向。由于其狭窄的频宽，恒频信号只能描绘出目标物的存在以及，在某些蝙蝠种类的情形中，目标物相对蝙蝠的运动。通过对调频回声频率中的变化作出反应，某些种类的蝙蝠在飞行过程中可作出纠正，以追综其运动中的捕食物的方向及速度。

XDF P110（NO8-2-1-1）

Ragtime is a musical form that synthesizes folk melodies and musical techniques into a brief quadrille-like structure, designed to be played—exactly as written—on the piano. A strong analogy exists between European composers like Ralph Vaughan Williams, Edvard Grieg, and Anton Dvorak who combined folk tunes and their own original materials in larger compositions and the pioneer ragtime composers in the United States. Composers like Scott Joplin and James Scott were in a sense collectors or musicologists, collecting dance and folk music in Black communities and consciously shaping it into brief suites or anthologies called piano rags.
It has sometimes been charged that ragtime is mechanical. For instance, Wilfred Mellers comments, “rags were transferred to the pianola roll and, even if not played by a machine, should be played like a machine, with meticulous precision.” However, there is no reason to assume that ragtime is inherently mechanical simply because commercial manufacturers applied a mechanical recording method to ragtime, the only way to record pianos at that date. Ragtime’s is not a mechanical precision, and it is not precision limited to the style of performance. It arises from ragtime’s following a well-defined form and obeying simple rules within that form.
The classic formula for the piano rag disposes three to five themes in sixteen-bar strains, often organized with repeats. The rag opens with a bright, memorable strain or theme, followed by a similar theme, leading to a trio of marked lyrical character, with the structure concluded by a lyrical strain that parallels the rhythmic developments of the earlier themes. The aim of the structure is to rise from one theme to another in a stair-step manner, ending on a note of triumph or exhilaration. Typically, each strain is divided into two 8-bar segments
that are essentially alike, so the rhythmic-melodic unit of ragtime is only eight bars of 2/4 measure. Therefore, themes must be brief with clear, sharp melodic figures. Not concerned with development of musical themes, the ragtime composer instead sets a theme down intact, in finished form, and links it to various related themes. Tension in ragtime compositions arises from a polarity between two basic ingredients: a continuous bass—called by jazz musicians a boom-chick bass—in the pianist’s left hand, and its melodic, syncopated counterpart in the right hand.
Ragtime remains distinct from jazz both as an instrumental style and as a genre. Ragtime style stresses a pattern of repeated rhythms, not the constant inventions and variations of jazz. As a genre, ragtime requires strict attention to structure, not inventiveness or virtuosity. It exists as a tradition, a set of conventions, a body of written scores, separate from the individual players associated with it. In this sense ragtime is more akin to folk music of the nineteenth century than to jazz.

散拍乐（ragtime，又译雷格泰姆）是一种音乐形式，将民间旋律和音乐技巧综合成为简短的四对方阵舞曲般的（quadrille-like）结构，旨在——毫厘不爽地按照书面乐谱所示——在钢琴上进行演奏。象拉尔夫"威廉姆斯（Ralph VaughanWilliams），爱德华"格里格（Edvard Grieg），以及安东"德沃夏克（Anton Dvorak）这些欧洲作曲家，将民间曲调和他们自己的原创材料融合于规模较大的音乐作品中。在这些欧洲作曲家和美国先驱散拍乐作曲家之间存在着一种强烈的类比。从某种意义上说，象司各特"乔普林（Scott Joplin）和詹姆斯"司各特（James Scott）这样的作曲家都是音乐收集者或音乐学家，将黑人社区的舞蹈音乐和民间音乐收集起来，并有意识地将其塑造成为简短的被称为钢琴散拍乐的组曲（suite）或选集（anthology）。
时常有人谴责散拍乐流于机械。例如，威尔弗雷德"梅勒斯（Wilfred Mellers）评述道：“散拍尔被转化成自动钢琴的演奏（roll），虽不是由机器演奏，也应该如同由机器演奏一样，带着一丝不苟的精准性。”然则，决无理由假设，仅因为商业制造商采用了一种机械的录音方法来录制散拍乐——当时灌制钢琴音乐的唯一方法——散拍乐在根本上就是机械的。散拍乐的精确性不是一种机械式的精确性，这种精确性亦并非局限于表演风格。它的产生是由于散拍乐遵循了一个极为明确的形式并服从这一形式内的简单规则。
钢琴散拍乐的经典程式采用三至五个主题，以十六小节的旋律予以表现，通常以重复的形式来组织。散拍乐以一鲜明、给人记忆深刻的旋律或主题宣告开始，继之以一个类似的主题，发展成为一个具有显著抒情色彩的三重奏曲（trio），整个结构以一段抒情性的旋律告终，该旋律可与此前几个主题的节奏表达发展相媲美。此种结构的目的是要以梯级的方式从一个主题升至另一个主题，以胜利欢庆或兴高采烈的音调终结。典型而言，每一旋律分成两个八小节的片断，它们根本上相同，因此散拍乐的节奏—旋律单位仅为2/4拍子的八个小节。故而，各主题必须简短，旋律音型清晰、鲜明。散拍乐作曲家并不注重音乐主题的发展，相反，他们将一个主题完好无损地以一种终极完美的形式写下，将这一主题与其它相关主题连结起来。散后乐作品中的张力（tension）源自两个基本成分之间的一种两极对立：一个是不间断的低音声部——被爵士音乐家谓作“嗡嗡鸡仔低鸣声”（boom-chick bass）——以钢琴家的左手奏出，另一个是旋律的、采用切分音法的（syncopated）对应声部，以钢琴家的右手奏出。
无论是作为一种器乐风格，抑或是作为一种体裁，散拍乐迥然有别于爵士乐。散拍乐风格强调一种由重复节奏构成的样式，而非爵士乐那种持续不断的自创发挥和变奏。作为一种体裁，散拍乐需要严格注意结构，而非翻新或精湛技巧。它作为一种传统、一整套程式、一个由书面总谱构成的整体而存在，独立于与之紧密相联的单个演奏者。从这层意义上而言，散拍乐更趋近于十九世纪的民间音乐，与爵士乐则相去甚远。

XDF P113（NO8-1-2-1）

Traditional research has confronted only Mexican and United States interpretations of Mexican-American culture. Now we must also examine the culture as we Mexican Americans have experienced it, passing from a sovereign people to compatriots with newly arriving settlers to, finally, a conquered people—a charter (a grant or guarantee of rights, franchises, or privileges from the sovereign power of a state or country minority on our own land.
When the Spanish first came to Mexico, they intermarried with and absorbed the culture of the indigenous
Indians. This policy of colonization through acculturation was continued when Mexico acquired Texas in the early 1800’s and brought the indigenous Indians into Mexican life and government. In the 1820’s, United States citizens migrated to Texas, attracted by land suitable for cotton. As their numbers became more substantial, their policy of acquiring land by subduing native populations began to dominate. The two ideologies clashed repeatedly, culminating in a military conflict that led to victory for the United States. Thus, suddenly deprived of our parent culture, we had to evolve uniquely Mexican-American modes of thought and action in order to survive.

对于“墨西哥—美国”文化，传统研究所面对的仅仅是墨西哥式的和美国式的解释。现在，我们也必须按照我们这些美籍墨西哥人所经历的方式来审视这一文化。我们对这一文化的体验是，从一个拥有独立主权的民族转而成为那些新近抵达的殖民者的同胞，最后沦为一个被征服的民族——一个在我们自己的土地上被特许存在的少数民族（charter minority）。
当西班牙人最初来到墨西哥时，他们与土著印地安人实行内部通婚，从而吸收了这些土著印地安人的文化。这种通过文化适应（acculturation）来进行的殖民政策在墨西哥于十九世纪初期兼并了得克萨斯（Texas）的时候仍得以继续，从而将土著印第安人纳入到墨西哥式的生活和政府管理中来。十九世纪二十年代，美国公民在大片宜于种植棉花的土地的诱惑下移居到得克萨斯。随着他们的数量日趋众多，他们那种通过征服当地居民获取土地的政策开始占据上风。两种意识形态一次又一次地发生抵触，终于导致一场军事冲突，以美国的胜利而结终。因此，由于突然被剥夺了我们的渊源文化，我们不得不逐渐演化出一整套独特的美藉墨西哥人式的思维和行为方式，唯有这样我们才能生存下来。

XDF P114（NO8-3-2-1）

(This passage is from a book published in 1975.
That Louise Nevelson is believed by many critics to be the greatest twentieth-century sculptor is all the more remarkable because the greatest resistance to women artists has been, until recently, in the field of sculpture. Since Neolithic times, sculpture has been considered the prerogative of men, partly, perhaps, for purely physical reasons: it was erroneously assumed that women were not suited for the hard manual labor required in sculpting stone, carving wood, or working in metal. It has been only during the twentieth century that women sculptors have been recognized as major artists, and it has been in the United States, especially since the decades of the fifties and sixties, that women sculptors have shown the greatest originality and creative power. Their rise to prominence parallels the development of sculpture itself in the United States: while there had been a few talented sculptors in the United States before the 1940’s, it was only after 1945—when New York was rapidly becoming the art capital of the world—that major sculpture was produced in the United States. Some of the best was the work of women.
By far the most outstanding of these women is Louise Nevelson, who in the eyes of many critics is the most original female artist alive today. One famous and influential critic, Hilton Kramer, said of her work, “For myself, I think Ms. Nevelson succeeds where the painters often fail.”
Her works have been compared to the Cubist constructions of Picasso, the Surrealistic objects of Miro, and the Merzbau of Schwitters. Nevelson would be the first to admit that she has been influenced by all of these, as well as by African sculpture, and by Native American and pre-Columbian art, but she has absorbed all these influences and still created a distinctive art that expresses the urban landscape and the aesthetic sensibility of the twentieth century. Nevelson says, “I have always wanted to show the world that art is everywhere, except that it has to pass through a creative mind.”
Using mostly discarded wooden objects like packing crates, broken pieces of furniture, and abandoned architectural ornaments, all of which she has hoarded for years, she assembles architectural constructions of great beauty and power. Creating very freely with no sketches, she glues and nails objects together, paints them black, or more rarely white or gold, and places them in boxes. These assemblages, walls, even entire environments create a mysterious, almost awe-inspiring atmosphere. Although she has denied any symbolic or religious intent in her works, their three-dimensional grandeur and even their titles, such as Sky Cathedral and
Night Cathedral, suggest such connotations. In some ways, her most ambitious works are closer to architecture than to traditional sculpture, but then neither Louise Nevelson nor her art fits into any neat category.

路易丝"奈纳尔森（Louise Nevelson）被许多评论家相信为是二十世纪最伟大的雕塑家，这一点愈发令人瞩目，因为直到最近，对女艺术家最强烈的抵制一直存在于雕塑这一领域。自从新石器时代（Neolithic times）以来，雕塑一直被视作男人的特权，部分程度上或计是因为纯粹的生理原因：人们误以为女性不适于雕石、刻木、镂制金属所必需的繁重体力劳动。只有在二十世纪，女艺术家才被承认为主要艺术家，并且只有在美国，尤其是自从五十年代和六十年代以来，女雕塑家们才展现出了最非凡的独特性和创造力。她们的地位日臻显赫，这是与雕塑本身在美国的发展是相伴随的：尽管在二十世纪四十年代之前在美国不乏一些富于才华的雕塑家，然则，只有在1945年之后，当纽约迅速变成世界上的艺术之都时，重要的雕塑作品才在美国被创作出来。某些一流的作品即出自女性之手。
显然，这些女性中最杰出的便是路易丝"奈维尔森，她在许多评论家的眼中，可谓是当今活着的最具独创性的女艺术家。一位著名而有影响的评论家希尔登"克莱默（Hilton Kramer）对她的作品评述道：“对我来说，我认为奈维尔森女士在画家常常失败的地方却获得了成功。”
她的作品被人比所作毕加索（Picasso）的立体派结构、米罗（Miro）的超现实主义物体、以及施维特斯（Schwittdrs）的“梅尔茨”。奈维尔森就是第一个站出来承认她受到了所有这些的影响，并且还受到非洲雕塑，以及土著美洲人和前哥伦布艺术的影响，但她将所有这些影响予以吸收融合，依然得以创造出一种独特的艺术，表现都市风景以及二十世纪的审美旨趣。奈维尔森说：“我一贯希望向世人证明艺术无处不在，但它必须经由一颗富于创造力的心灵。”
奈维尔森所利用的大多是被废弃的如包装箱一类的木质物件，破家具，以及被扔掉的建筑装饰物——所有这些她多年积存而得——她组装出极具美感和力度的建筑物般的结构。她不用草图，只是自由发挥地进行创作，将物体贴合或钉在一起，将它们漆成黑色，或极为少见地漆成白色或金黄色，并将它们置于盒内。这些装配艺术品、墙垛、甚至整个的环境艺术品营造出一种神秘的、几乎是引人恐惧的氛围。虽然她否认她作品中具有任何象征性的或宗教的意图，但它们三维立体的恢宏气势以及它们的标题，例如《天庭大教堂》（Sky Cathedral）以及《黑夜大教堂》（NightCathedral），暗示出这样一种意蕴。在某些方面，她最为雄心勃勃的作品更接近于环境艺术品，而与传统雕塑相去甚远。但这样一来，无论是路易丝"奈维尔森还是她的作品，都无法被归纳到任何泾渭分明的范畴中。

XDF P117（NO8-1-2-2）

This passage was adapted from an article published in 1982.
Until about five years ago, the very idea that peptide hormones might be made anywhere in the brain besides the hypothalamus was astounding. Peptide hormones, scientists thought, were made by endocrine glands and the hypothalamus was thought to be the brains’ only endocrine gland. What is more, because peptide hormones cannot cross the blood-brain barrier, researchers believed that they never got to any part of the brain other than the hypothalamus, where they were simply produced and then released into the bloodstream.
But these beliefs about peptide hormones were questioned as laboratory after laboratory found that antiserums to peptide hormones, when injected into the brain, bind in places other than the hypothalamus, indicating that either the hormones or substances that cross-react with the antiserums are present. The immunological method of detecting peptide hormones by means of antiserums, however, is imprecise. Cross-reactions are possible and this method cannot determine whether the substances detected by the antiserums really are the hormones, or merely close relatives. Furthermore, this method cannot be used to determine the location in the body where the detected substances are actually produced.
New techniques of molecular biology, however, provide a way to answer these questions. It is possible to make specific complementary DNA’s (cDNA’s that can serve as molecular probes to seek out the messenger RNA’s (mRNA’s of the peptide hormones. If brain cells are making the hormones, the cells will contain these mRNA’s. If the products the brain cells make resemble the hormones but are not identical to them, then the
cDNA’s should still bind to these mRNA’s, but should not bind as tightly as they would to mRNA’s for the true hormones. The cells containing these mRNA’s can then be isolated and their mRNA’s decoded to determine just what their protein products are and how closely the products resemble the true peptide hormones.
The molecular approach to detecting peptide hormones using cDNA probes should also be much faster than the immunological method because it can take years of tedious purifications to isolate peptide hormones and then develop antiserums to them. Roberts, expressing the sentiment of many researchers, states: “I was trained as an endocrinologist. But it became clear to me that the field of endocrinology needed molecular biology input. The process of grinding out protein purifications is just too slow.”
If, as the initial tests with cDNA probes suggest, peptide hormones really are made in the brain in areas other than the hypothalamus, a theory must be developed that explains their function in the brain. Some have suggested that the hormones are all growth regulators, but Rosen’s work on rat brains indicates that this cannot be true. A number of other researchers propose that they might be used for intercellular communication in the brain.

大概就在五年之前，肽激素（peptide hormone）或许能在大脑内的下丘脑（hypothalamus）以外的任何地方得以制造出来，这一想法本身足以令人惊愕不已。科学家们认为，肽激素是由内分泌腺（endocrine gland）制造出来的，而下丘脑则被认为是大脑中唯一的内分泌腺。此外，由于肽激素无法穿越血脑屏障（blood-brain barrier），研究者们相信，它们从不曾到达过下丘脑以外的大脑的任何部位。这些肽激素仅仅是在下丘脑内被制造出来，然后被释放入血流中。
然则，有关肽激素的这些信念已遭到人们的质疑，随着一个接一个的实验室发现，针对肽激素的抗血清（antiserum），一旦被注射入大脑，就会在下丘脑以外的其它地方粘结起来，从而表明要么是肽激素本身，要么是和抗血清发生交叉反应的物质在此存在。但是，通过抗血清的手段来测定肽激素的这种免疫学方法（immunological method）有失精确。交叉反应有可能发生，故这一方法无法确定由抗血清测得的物质究竟是真正的肽激素，或仅仅只是其近似的亲缘物（relative）另外，这一方法无法被用来确定所测定的物质究竟是在人体的哪个部位被际制造出来的。
然而，分子生物学（molecular biology）的新技术足以提供一个方法来解答这些问题。科学家可以制造出特异的（specific）互补DNA's（cDNA's），以此作为分子探子（molecular probe），探觅出肽激素的信使RNA's（mRNA's）。如果大脑正在制造着肽激素，则细胞就会含有这些信使RNA's。假若细胞所制造的产品类似于肽激素但并非与这些肽激素全然相同，那么，互补cDNA's应仍然和这些信使mDNA's粘结的程度。含有这些mRNA's的脑细胞然后就可以被分离开来，研究者可对其信使RNA's进行解码，以确定它们的蛋白质产品究竟是什么，并确定这些蛋白质产品在何种程度上类似于真正的肽激素。
采用cDNA探子来测定肽激素的这一分子生物学方法同时也应该比免疫学的方法速度来得快，因为对于免疫的方法来说，需耗费好几年枯燥的提纯进程，方能将肽素分离了出来，然后再培养出针对它们的抗血清。罗伯茨（Roberts）的一席话充分表述了许多研究者的心声：“我是作为一个内分泌学家接受训练的。但情况对我来说清楚得很，内分泌学这一领域需要分子生物学的输入，靠碾磨来制造出蛋白质纯化物的过程实在是太缓慢了。”
假若正如对cDNA探子所作的最初测试所表明的那样，肽激素真的是在大脑中下丘脑以外的别处被制造出来的话，那么就必须建立一种理论，以解释它们在大脑中的功能。某些研究者提出，肽激素均是生长调节剂（growth regulator），但罗森（Rosen）对老鼠的大脑所作的研究表明并非如此。其它许多研究者指出，它们或许是被用于大脑内细胞与细胞之间的信息传输。

XDF P120（NO8-3-2-2）

Volcanic rock that forms as fluid lava chills rapidly is called pillow lava. This rapid chilling occurs when lava erupts directly into water (or beneath ice or when it flows across a shoreline and into a body of water. While the term “pillow lava” suggests a definite shape, in fact geologists disagree. Some geologists argue that pillow lava is characterized by discrete, ellipsoidal masses. Others describe pillow lava as a tangled mass of cylindrical, interconnected flow lobes. Much of this controversy probably results from unwarranted extrapolations of the
original configuration of pillow flows from two-dimensional cross sections of eroded pillows in land outcroppings. Virtually any cross section cut through a tangled mass of interconnected flow lobes would give the appearance of a pile of discrete ellipsoidal masses. Adequate three-dimensional images of intact pillows are essential for defining the true geometry of pillowed flows and thus ascertaining their mode of origin. Indeed, the term “pillow,” itself suggestive of discrete masses, is probably a misnomer.

随着流动的溶岩（lava）急骤冷却而形成的火山溶岩被称为枕状溶岩（pilllowlava）。当溶岩喷发直接进入水中（或至冰下），或当它流过海岸并进入一片水体时，这一急骤的冷却便告发生。尽管“枕状溶岩”这一术语暗示出某种明确的形状，但实际上地质学家对此各执已见，意见不一。某些地质家的指出，枕状溶岩以诸互相分离的、椭球形的（ellipsoidal）岩块为其特征。其他地质学家则将枕状溶岩描绘成一块纠结在一起的岩块，由圆柱体的、互相连结的溶岩流裂片（flow lobe）构成。这一争论很大程度上或许起源于对枕状溶岩原初构造的不确定推断，而这些推断是从陆地露出地表的岩层（land outcropping）处遭侵蚀的枕状岩的二维截面来进行的。从一块由相互连结的诸溶岩流裂片构成的纠结在一起的岩块横切的岩块横切的任何截面，几乎都会给人一种一堆互相分离的椭球形岩块的外观。有关完好无损的枕状岩的充分的三维图像至关重要，用以确定枕状溶岩流真正的几何形状，并从而确定其起源方式。实际上，“枕状岩”这一术语，其本身暗示着互相分离的岩块，或许是一个失当的名称。

XDF P122（NO8-2-2-2）

The term “Ice Age” may give a wrong impression. The epoch that geologists know as the Pleistocene and that spanned the to million years prior to the current geologic epoch was not one long continuous glaciation, but a period of oscillating climate with ice advances punctuated by times of interglacial climate not very different from the climate experienced now. Ice sheets that derived from an ice cap centered on northern Scandinavia reached southward to Central Europe. And Beyond the margins of the ice sheets, climatic oscillations affected most of the rest of the world; for example, in the deserts, periods of wetter conditions (pluvials contrasted with drier, interpluvial periods. Although the time involved is so short, about percent of the total age of the Earth, the amount of attention devoted to the Pleistocene has been incredibly large, probably because of its immediacy, and because the epoch largely coincides with the appearance on Earth of humans and their immediate ancestors.
There is no reliable way of dating much of the Ice Age. Geological dates are usually obtained by using the rates of decay of various radioactive elements found in minerals. Some of these rates are suitable for very old rocks but involve increasing errors when used for young rocks; others are suitable for very young rocks and errors increase rapidly in older rocks. Most of the Ice Age spans a period of time for which no element has an appropriate decay rate.
Nevertheless, researchers of the Pleistocene epoch have developed all sorts of more or less fanciful model schemes of how they would have arranged the Ice Age had they been in charge of events. For example, an early classification of Alpine glaciation suggested the existence there of four glaciations, named the Gunz, Mindel, Riss, and Wurm. This succession was based primarily on a series of deposits and events not directly related to glacial and interglacial periods, rather than on the more usual modern method of studying biological remains found in interglacial beds themselves interstratified within glacial deposits. Yet this succession was forced willy-nilly onto the glaciated parts of Northern Europe, where there are partial successions of true glacial ground moraines and interglacial deposits, with hopes of ultimately piecing them together to provide a complete Pleistocene succession. Eradication of the Alpine nomenclature is still proving a Herculean task.
There is no conclusive evidence about the relative length, complexity, and temperatures of the various glacial and interglacial periods. We do not know whether we live in a postglacial period or an interglacial period. The chill truth seems to be that we are already past the optimum climate of postglacial time. Studies of certain fossil distributions and of the pollen of certain temperate plants suggest decreases of a degree or two in both summer and winter temperatures and, therefore, that we may be in the declining climatic phase leading to glaciation and extinction.


“冰川期”（Ice Age）这一术语有可能会给人以一种错误的印象。被地质学家称为更新世（Pleistocene）并横跨了目前地质时代之前一百五十万至二百万年的那一时代，并非是一个漫长的、连绵不断的冰川作用过程，而是一个由波动变化的气候构成的时代，其间，冰川的推进被间冰期（interglacia）气候期不时打断，而这种间冰期气候与我们现在所经历的气候并无太大的差异。源自以北部斯堪的纳维亚半岛（Northern Scandinavia）为中心的某一冰冠（ice cap）的冰原，向南延展抵达中欧。在超过冰原（ice sheet）边缘以外的地区，气候的交替变化影响到世界余下地区的绝大部分；例如，在沙漠地带，较为潮湿的气候条件的时期（即洪积期，pluvial与较为干燥的、间洪期（interpluvial）形成对比。虽然所涉及到的时间是如此之短，约为地球总年龄的%，但投入到更新世的注意力，其数量却大得难以令人置信，可能是因为其直接性，且因为这一时期在很大程度上与地球上出现人类及其直接的祖先正值同期）。
没有任何可靠的方法来断定大部分冰川期的地质年代。地质年代通常是通过利用从矿物质中所发现的各种放射性元素的衰变率来获取的。这些比率中的某一些适合于非常古老的岩石，但用以研究年轻的岩石时则涉及日益增多的谬误；其它的比率适全于极为年轻的岩石，但对较为古老的岩石，谬误则急骤上升。冰川期中的绝大部分所跨越的是这样一个时期，对于这一时期，没有任何元素能拥有一种恰如其分的衰变率。
虽然如此，更新世的研究者们研制出各种各样多少带有异想天开色彩的模型体系，以表明倘若由他们负责处理地质事件的话，他们将如何来安排整个冰川期。例如，对阿尔卑斯山冰川作用（Alpine glaciation）所作的一次早期分类暗示在那里曾存在过四次冰川作用，并将其命名为贡兹期（Gunz），民德期（Mindel），里斯期（Riss），以及维尔姆期（Wurm）。这一序列演替（succession）所依据的，主要是一系列与冰川期和间冰期并不直接相关的地质沉积物和地质事件，而不是依据更为普遍的现代方法，去研究间冰层（interglacial bed）中所发现的生物残留物，而这些间冰层本身又在冰川沉积物发生间层化（interstatified）。然则，这一序列演替却被武断地强加于北欧那些发生过冰川作用的地区——而在这些地区，仅有部分的真正冰川底碛（ground moraine）和间冰期沉积物的序列演替，以期希望最终将它们拼合起来，从而提供一个完整的更新世序列演替过程。在北欧部分地区铲除这组阿尔卑斯名称依然证明是一项艰巨费力的任务。
有关各个冰川期和间冰期的相对长度、复杂性（以及温度，没有任何结论性的证据。我们尚不清楚我们是否生活在一个后冰川期（postglacial）还是在间冰期。一个冷酷无情的真理似乎是，我们早已经过了后冰川期的最佳气候。对某些化石分布以及对某些温带植物的花粉所作的研究表明，无论是夏天还是冬天的气温都有1至2度的下降，因此，我们有可能处在一个气候日趋下降的阶段，导致冰川作用以及灭绝之灾的降临。

XDF P124（NO8-2-2-1）

The social sciences are less likely than other intellectual enterprises to get credit for their accomplishments. Arguably, this is so because the theories and conceptual constructs of the social sciences are especially accessible: human intelligence apprehends truths about human affairs with particular facility. And the discoveries of the social sciences, once isolated and labeled, are quickly absorbed into conventional wisdom, whereupon they lose their distinctiveness as scientific advances.
This underappreciation of the social sciences contrasts oddly with what many see as their overutilization. Game theory is pressed into service in studies of shifting international alliances. Evaluation research is called upon to demonstrate successes or failures of social programs. Models from economics and demography become the definitive tools for examining the financial base of social security. Yet this rush into practical applications is itself quite understandable: public policy must continually be made, and policymakers rightly feel that even tentative findings and untested theories are better guides to decision-making than no findings and no theories at all.

与其它知识学科相比，诸社会科学不太可能因为其成就而获得赞誉。正如可论证的那样，这之所以如此，是因为社会科学的理论和概念尤其易于理解：人类的智力在领悟有关人类事务的真理时格外轻而易举。此外，社会科学的发现，一旦被分离开来并被贴上标签予以归类，很快就被吸收到传统智慧中，这样一来，
它们便失去其作为科学进行的独特性。
奇怪的是，这种对社会科学的不充分欣赏（underappreciation）与另一种情形构成了对比，这就是在许多人看来对它们的过度利用（over utilization）。博弈理论（Game Theory）被强行逼迫效力于对不断变换的国际联盟的研究。评估研究（evaluation research）被召唤去论证社会项目的成败。来自经济学的人口统计学的模型成为决定性的工具，用以检验社会保险的金融基础。然则，这种对实际应用的匆忙投入就其本身而言相当可以理解：公共政策必须被持续不断地制定出来，而政策制定者不无道理地觉得，即使带有尝试性的研究发现和未经检验的理论对于决策过程来说，总要比根本没有研究发现和根本没有理论更有指导作用。


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